Media Control, Qing Dynasty Style

At the moment, I am preparing to start on a new book, which will be a history of press and media law and regulation in China throughout the 20th century. Obviously, that means digging through imperial archives to find out how the Qing government, and in particular empress-dowager Cixi, dealt with the emergence of the first modern newspapers. The first one of these, Shen Bao 申报 was established in 1872 by a British entrepreneur, Ernest Major, but was aimed at a Chinese audience and run by Chinese staff. Although it was relatively conservative, supporting the Qing government until about 1905, it pioneered the use of communications technology and of vernacular Chinese. This broadened its scope of sources and potential audiences. Hence, it played an important role in a number of social issues of the day, and inspired the establishment of more newspapers in a number of cities.

These newspapers initially concentrated on commercial news and small, local affairs, in order to avoid government attention or post offices’ blocking their distribution. As the Qing weakened, however, a stream of politically-oriented newspapers and periodicals gradually merged. Some of these were run by reform-minded junior officials, who often had spent time abroad or in contact with foreigners. One of these, Huang Zunxian 黄遵宪,  set up a newspaper in 1896, Shiwubao 时务报, which advocated for political reform. These calls were taken up by the reformist emperor Guangxu in the abortive Hundred Days Reform of 1898. These reforms were brutally ended with a coup d’état supported by empress-dowager Cixi, who immediately dialled back most of the reforms enacted by Guangxu. Also, she rescinded the rights of officials and individuals to send memorials to the emperor, and ordered the closure of Shiwubao and other non-government newspapers through a decree which reads interestingly like CCP notices of a century later.

“With an Imperial Decree, the official newspapers and Shiwubao were suspended without exception. Recently, in places as Tianjin, Shanghai and Hankou, but newspaper offices still stand in great numbers, talk wildly and without much thought, fabricate and spread rumours, mislead and deceive the people, have no scruples, and methods must be urgently set up to prohibit them. All governors-general and governors shall earnestly ban them. The editorial writers in their offices are the scum of the literati, do not have a sense of honour or shame, and are to be strictly investigated by local offices and gravely punished, in order to end the fallacies and pacify people’s hearts.”

前经降旨将官报、时务报一律停止。近闻天津、上海、汉口各处,仍复报馆林立,肆口逞说,捏造谣言,惑世诬民,罔知顾忌,亟应设法禁止。著各该督抚认真查禁。其馆中主笔之人,皆斯文败类,不顾廉耻,即由地方官严行访拿,从重惩治,以息邪说而靖人心。

Report concerning the Work Situation in Deepening Cultural Structural Reform and Promoting the Grand Development and Grand Flourishing of Socialist Culture

Given on 24 October 2012 at the 29th Meeting of the 11th Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress

Minister of Culture: Cai Wu

Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress,

I have been entrusted by the State Council to report to the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress on the work situation in deepening cultural structural reform and promoting the grand development and grand flourishing of Socialist culture. Cultural structural reform and development work involve culture, radio, film and television, press and publications, and various other areas, and for this report, the opinions of the Central Propaganda Department as well as SARFT, the General Administration of Press and Publications, the Information Office and other departments were sought, in order to as much as possible, completely reflect the comprehensive situation of cultural structural reform and development work, please consider it. Continue reading

Liu Yunshan: Jubilantly Welcome the 18th Party Congress

There are obvious differences between the leadership transitions in the two largest economies in the world, which will take place within days from each other, in November. Most importantly China doesn’t have a presidential election, as the United States does. Its leadership transitions are organized opaquely, in backrooms filled with the smoke of Panda cigarettes and without any external input. The United States works in quite the opposite way: candidates are intensely scrutinized in the press. Every detail of their private history and public service records are put under the  spotlight. This vetting is considered to be of fundamental importance in the process, and has hobbled (Romney’s tax reviews) or ended (Herman Cain’s alleged misconduct) a number of presidential campaign bid. In China, the opposite happens. The personal life and history of top-level leaders is proclaimed to be beyond reproach and they or their families may not be investigated. Similar things happen with policy. A huge political marketing machine has been set up to market, analyze, compare and criticize the policy proposals made by candidates, whereas in China, a huge political marketing machine has been set up to flood the public sphere with a continuous message that the Party’s policy is correct.

China’s political marketing machine is faced, however, with a few problems. First, the Communist Party is obliged to take responsibility for the overall state of the country. It can’t blame a previous government for problems, as the Party has been in power for over six decades. It can’t blame stubborn opposition, as there is none, and it can’t significantly shift in basic political direction, as it has claimed over the last three decades that their policies are correct and historically determined. It can blame foreign hostility and volatile international circumstances, but then, it needs also to explain why China isn’t using its growing international clout to shape the international environment to suit it better. It can also claim that every historical phase brings along its own challenges, and does so, but this can only be a small part of its propaganda. Dealing with challenges requires political choices to be made, and may engender opportunities for dissent. Rather, the Party contends that policymaking is a scientific manner where optimal solutions to problems can be found, depoliticizing the policymaking process.

This is especially important now, as the 18th Party Congress is coming along. This transition is a delicate moment, and all stops are being pulled to ensure that no opposition can organize. One key aspect of this is propaganda. The Party believes it needs to not only tell the people that they are better off, China is getting more important and stronger internationally, and Hu Jintao’s decade of leadership has been a great success; it also believes it needs to mobilize the people to give full and enthusiastic support to the new generation of leaders. The propaganda campaign for this Congress was officially launched late in July, two days after Hu Jintao gave his valedictory speech. Liu Yunshan gave a speech to a conference of propaganda department directors outlining the measures that must be taken “to welcome the victorious convocation of the 18h Party Congress” (Available in translation).  Liu heads the Central Propaganda Department and is widely tipped to succeed his political godfather, Li Changchun, to the Standing Committee propaganda and ideology portfolio, . Most of these measures are taken directly from the standard Communist playbook. Advanced models of communist virtue and concrete examples of Communist development will be trotted out, there will be a series of books, articles, films, exhibitions and cultural activities extolling the virtues of the CCP, and closer attention will be paid to sudden incidents. Interestingly, Bo Xilai’s Red Song initiative didn’t leave the scene with him, but there are now two major events, “Everyone Sings patriotic Songs” and “Singing about China”, touring from city to city.

The most interesting remarks in the Liu speech are about foreign-oriented propaganda. Liu now seems to understand that, as the second largest economy in the world, more eyes are pointing towards China than in the past, and that there is more and more non-official interaction between the Chinese and international spheres of public communication. What Liu does not yet seem to comprehend, is the nature of the many soft power own goals that China has made in the recent past. China has often appeared petulant, in spats involving Tibet for example, has thrown its weight around regionally that has sent many smaller South-East Asian nations run towards the United States for cover, and every time it jails another dissident, another corruption case comes out or a food scandal is uncovered, it adds another bullet hole to the many it has in its foot already. Liu seems to believe that this can be rectified with patient and reasonable explanation of the facts as the Party sees it. This is exactly the same path that the Party took after Tiananmen, where it claimed that all that was needed to justify sending tanks at students to the international community, was a rational exposé about Chinese politics. Now, Liu argues that the Party must concentrate foreign attention on the Party’s claim to put people first and govern for the people, but these claims are at best misguided and at worst mendacious when we look at the endemic corruption that sustains the Party’s position in power. In this light, Liu’s contention that the Party must gain “the moral commanding heights” is risible. But there is a more fundamental problem as well. Westerners fundamentally don’t believe in the system that China proposes. Europe’s historical relationship with dictatorial regimes and powerful religious organizations has led to a relativist, postmodernist position that instinctively distrusts any claim to truth and power, while the powerful anti-government stance in US society causes a lack of trust in any overbearing regime, regardless of what political colour. In other words, CCP rule is mistrusted for what it is, even before the discussion starts about what it does. Conversely, many Chinese will instinctively distrust American and European politics for being chaotic and disorganized.

Whether or not this distrust is justified is another discussion. It certainly is the case that China does better materially than in the past, and it is equally the case that the economic, political and social crises besetting Europe and the United States indicate that many improvements there remain to be made. It is, however, undoubtedly so that these perceptions exist, and that China’s ideas on how to deal with them are often ill-informed and cack-handed. China hires foreign law firms as council in its WTO disputes, possibly it could to with a bit of foreign PR expertise as well.

Hu Jintao Says Goodbye and Starts Preparing Legacy

On 23 July, Hu Jintao gave a speech at a training seminar for high-level provincial officials, on the importance of continuing the path of Socialism with Chinese characteristics. He evaluated the Party’s work over the last ten years, his period in office, and set out a number of goalposts and principles for the future. According to Bill Bishop, Hu Jintao spoke for many hours, clearly outlining the problems and challenges facing China. The full text of the speech has not been made public, but since then, the Party magazine Qiushi has published a number of articles drawing from this speech and the People’s Daily has opened an entire website dedicated to it, with commentaries from Xi Jinping and a number of experts from different fields. Also, this website contains a summary of the speech, which is available in translated form hereunder.

This speech sets the stage for the 18th Party Congress and outlines the agenda for the new leadership generation, although, in this acrimonious transition, it is not completely certain this speech reflects a consensus between the different factions. Nonetheless, there are some things we can learn from the summary, which consists of two parts. The first part takes stock of the experience of the last few years, while the second part lists plans for the future. In evaluating the last ten years, Hu indicated that China had a bumpy ride, but that generally, the government managed to successfully fend off domestic and foreign issues. Hu unsurprisingly attributes that success to his own theoretical innovation, the scientific development concept, while paying the necessary dues to the policies of Mao, Deng and Jiang, as well as Marxism-Leninism. As a result, China is still on track to complete the objective of building a relatively well-off society (xiaokang shehui) by 2020, and complete Socialist modernization by 2050. In order to do so, the core requirement is persisting in Socialism with Chinese characteristics. Conveniently, Hu provides few details about what this may mean, but it does signal that no basic political change is on the agenda.

In setting out ideas on the future, Hu subsequently lists a number of policy areas, which may reflect the order of priority they have on the CCP agenda. In order of appearance, these are transforming economic development methods, political structural reform, building a strong Socialist culture country, improving the people’s livelihood and providing social services, and protecting the environment. On the economy, Hu Jintao reiterates that shifting development methods remains the first priority. However, thus far, little rebalancing seems to happen. On political structural reform, Hu continues the line established by Deng Xiaoping that the Party’s leadership position may not change, but that under this condition, the people are to manage their own affairs. While he also pays lip service to democratic election, decision-making, management and supervision, these refer to intra-Party structures and do not indicate that the Chinese franchise will be broadened. On culture, which may take the central space accorded to Zhou Yongkang’s coercive internal stability apparatus, Hu repeats the line established at the Plenary meeting in October last year. On ensuring the people’s livelihood, Hu indicates that it is necessary to expand China’s social services. Lastly, Hu argues that environmental protection should become an integral part of China’s economic, political, cultural and social policy in all areas.

In short, this speech avoids any contentious statement in the run-up to the 18th Party Congress, and provides a relatively blank space on which Xi can begin to establish his leadership. At the end, Hu does pay special attention to the necessity of improving Party building and fighting abuses. In the wake of the Bo scandal, and the different incidents that have battered the CCP over the last few years, and in the fact of corruption, the Party must embark on a new round of Party building. However, Hu does not go beyond calling for the strengthening of existing measures, including internal organization and supervision, campaigns and political education. Without the full text of the speech, it is difficult to assess to what extent Hu aims to push appointments or policy in a certain direction, but at least according to this speech, it seems that the key objective the Party pursues, is not to pursue any clear objective at all.

Valiantly Forge Ahead Following the Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics

Hu Jintao pointed out that Socialism with Chinese characteristics is the banner for the development and progress of the China of today, and is the banner for the united struggle of the entire party and the people of all ethnicities in the entire country, we must unwaveringly take Deng Xiaoping Theory and the important “Three Represents” thoughts as guidance, deeply implement the scientific development view, persist in and develop Socialism with Chinese characteristics. We must grasp work, grasp implementation, and in the next five years, lay a decisive basis to completely realize the objective of a relatively well-off society, on time, by 2020, and after that, basically realize Socialist modernization by the middle of this century. We must unwaveringly march the correct path opened up by the Party and the people through a long time of practice, not fear any risk, and not be mislead by any interference. Liberating thoughts is a strong ideological weapon to promote the development of the undertaking of the Party and the people from beginning to end, reform and opening up is a strong force promoting the development of the undertaking of the Party and the people from beginning to end, we must unwaveringly move reform and opening up forward, never become fossilized, never stagnate, unite all forces that can be united, muster all vigorous factors that can be mustered, and with unbounded confidence, overcome all difficulties and risks on the path ahead.

Hu Jintao pointed out that, comprehensively analyzing present trends inside and outside the country, we face unprecedented opportunities, and also face unprecedented challenges, our country’s development is still in an important strategic period of opportunity with great potential. Whether we will be able to grasp the opportunities or calmly meet challenges, crucially depends on our ideological understanding, depends on our work strength, depends on our moving the pace of reform and development forward. We must completely examine development trends of the present world and the present China, completely grasp the new requirements for our country’s development and the new expectations of the popular masses, scientifically formulate action plans and major policies adapted to the requirements of the times and the aspirations of the people, press on more enthusiastically, work cautiously and conscientiously, continue to promote scientific development, stimulate social harmony, continue to improve the people’s lives, enhance the people’s happiness, and do all we can to complete the glorious and formidable tasks entrusted to us in these times.

Hu Jintao stressed that, since the 16th Party Congress, we have walked a very uneven path. Looking at these ten years overall, the international situation has constantly changed, the domestic tasks of reform, development and stability were grave, we have closely grasped and used our country’s important strategic period for development well, overcome a series of severe challenges, spared no effort to move the undertaking of Socialism with Chinese characteristics towards a new development phase. The reason that we are able to achieve such historical accomplishments and progress, most importantly is that we have persisted in taking Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory and the important “Three Represents” thought as guidance, have dared to move the practical and basic theoretical innovation forward, have formed and implemented the scientific development view, and have provided powerful theoretical guidance for completely constructing a relatively well-off society and accelerating the pace of Socialist modernization. Deeply implementing the scientific development view still is a long-term, arduous task, facing a series of extremely challenging contradictions and difficulties. We must implement the scientific development view with even firmer determination, even more powerful measures and even more perfect systems, and truly make the scientific development view into a strong force promoting both strong and good development in the economy and society.

Hu Jintao stressed that, through a long period of efforts, our persisting in and developing Socialism with Chinese characteristics has obtained great theoretical and practical results, the most important one is that the path of Socialism with Chinese characteristics has been opened up, a theoretical structure for Socialism with Chinese characteristics has been formed, and a system of Socialism with Chinese characteristics established. This is the basic achievement of ninety years of struggle, production and accumulation by the Party and people, and must be utterly treasured, completely persisted in, and incessantly developed. Under new historical conditions, to continue to move Socialism with Chinese characteristics forward, we must incessantly enrich the practical characteristics, theoretical characteristics, ethnic characteristics and characteristics of the time, of Socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Hu Jintao pointed out that, the comrades in the entire Party must keep firmly in mind that the rapid development of our country over the last thirty years relied on reform and opening up, and our country’s development in the future must also resolutely rely on reform and opening up. Only through reform and opening up is it possible to develop China, develop Socialism and develop Marxism. We absolutely must persist in the line, principles and policies of the Party since the 3rd Plenum of the 11th Party Congress, persist in implementing the spirit of reform and opening up in all parts of governing the country, move reform and opening up forward even more consciously and even more firmly, incessantly stride forward in a new pace in areas of constructing and innovating systems, and do all we can to push reform and opening up forward.”

When discussing accelerating the transformation of economic development methods, Hu Jintao stressed that, having economic construction at the core is what is needed to rejuvenate the nation, development still is the key to resolve all problems of our country. In the China of today, the basic requirement that persisting in development is a hard principle is persisting in scientific development. Taking scientific development at the core, and taking accelerating the transformation of economic development methods as the main line, is the strategic decision of the overall picture of our country’s development. The comrades in the entire Party absolutely must unify thoughts, raise understanding and firmly implement the major policy deployments of the Centre on accelerating the transformation of economic development methods, shift the foothold of promoting development to raising quality and efficiency, firmly grasp the implementation of the strategy to have innovation drive development, move strategic readjustment of economic structures forward, promote the integration of urban and rural development, completely raise economic openness levels and other strategic tasks, strive to arouse all sorts of market subjects to develop new vitality, promote the synchronous development of industrialization, informatization, urbanization, and agricultural modernization, completely deepen economic structural reform, incessantly strengthen long-term development aftereffects.

When discussing moving political structural reform forward, Hu Jintao stressed that, since reform and opening up, we have always put political structural reform in an important position in the entire picture of reform and development, have unwaveringly moved it forward, have obtained major progress, successfully opened up and persisted in the political development path of Socialism with Chinese characteristics. To move political structural reform forward, we must persist in organically unifying the leadership of the Party, letting the people master their own affairs, and governing the country according to the law, develop people’s democracy even more broadly and even more fully, guarantee that the people conduct democratic elections, democratic decision-making, democratic management and democratic supervision according to the law, pay even more attention to giving rein to the important function of the rule of law in governing the State and society, safeguard the unity, dignity and authority of the national legal system, and guarantee that the people enjoy broad rights and freedoms according to the law.

When discussing the construction of a strong Socialist culture country, Hu Jintao stressed that, constructing a strong Socialist culture country is a major strategic policy decision in our Party’s grasping the developments and changes in the times and the trends, and vigorously responding to the spiritual and cultural requirements of the people of all ethnicities. We must unwaveringly march the culture development path of Socialism with Chinese characteristics, persist in the orientation of serving the people and serving Socialism, persist in the policy of letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools contend, persist in the principle of sticking close to reality, sticking close to life, sticking close to the masses, establish high levels of cultural consciousness and cultural self-consciousness, promote the complete development of a Socialist spiritual civilization and material civilization, and construct a ethnic, scientific Socialist culture facing modernization, facing the world, facing the future, of the masses.

When discussing the improving of the people’s livelihood and strengthening social construction, Hu Jintao pointed out that progressively raising the people’s material and cultural life levels on the basis of economic development, is the basic objective of reform and opening up, and Socialist modernization construction. Since reform and opening up, and especially in the last few years, we have exerted extremely large efforts obtained clear achievements in the area of improving the people’s livelihood. At the same time, we also must consider that the popular masses’ requirements to live an even better life are also strengthening, and their expectations concerning resolving prominent problems in the area of the people’s livelihood are also rising. We must continue to strengthen work, seek the benefit of the people’s livelihood more, resolve the worries on the people’s livelihood more, resolve the problems of interests that are of the most concern, are the most direct and the most real for the people, continue to gain new progress in ensuring that there are matters to learn, there are jobs to do, there is medicine for the ill, there is care for the elderly, and there are houses in which to live, ensure that the gains of reform and development are extended to the whole body of the people even better and even more fairly, and guarantee that the people lead an even better life.”

When discussing moving the ecological civilization construction forward, Hu Jintao pointed out that, moving the construction of an ecological civilization forward, is a strategic tasks involving fundamental change production methods and life methods, we must profoundly merge and implement ecological civilization construction concepts, principles and objectives, etc., into all aspects and the complete process of our country’s economic, political, culture and social construction, persist in the basic national policy of saving energy and protecting the environment, strive to move green development, recycling development and low-carbon development forward, and create a fine production and life environment for the people.

Hu Jintao stressed that, since reform and opening up, we closely revolved around the magnificent undertaking of Socialism with Chinese characteristics, completely moved the new magnificent project of Party building forward, and have gained great achievements. Under new trends, major changes have occurred in the historical bearing and governance conditions of the Party, and the composition and structuring of Party member teams, the risks coming from outside are unprecedented, the aspect of Party building and especially in Party members and cadre teams, many prominent problems that urgently need to be resolved have emerged. The entire party must strengthen a sense of urgency and a sense of responsibility, persist in the fact that the Party must manage the Party, and governing the Party strictly, completely strengthen the Party’s ideological building, organizational building, work style building, anti-corruption and clean government building, system construction, guarantee that the Party becomes a strong leading core of Socialism with Chinese characteristics from beginning to end. We must continue to move the new magnificent project of Party building forward, persist in ideals and convictions, preserve the blood-and-flesh relationship of the Party with the popular masses, vigorously develop intra-Party democracy, deepen cadres’ personnel system reform, tamp down an organizational basis for Party governance, unwaveringly oppose corruption, consciously safeguard the concentration and unity of the Party.

Lastly, Hu Jintao pointed out that, all levels’ Party Committees and government must, with a spirit of high responsibility, enthusiasm and accomplishment, do all work matters on reform, stability and development well, continue to be earnest and down to earth, firmly grasp implementation, earnestly implement the general fundamental key of seeking progress in stability, preserve the tendency of smooth and relatively rapid economic development, and establish a solid basis for the stability of the larger picture. We must realistically do well the work of caring for the masses’ production and lives, always keep the masses’ safety, danger and daily life in our hearts, and especially must do the work well to care for masses in difficulty, in all manners assist them in getting rid of worries and overcoming difficulty. We must strengthen propaganda and public opinion work, forcefully propagate our Party’s magnificent achievements in leading the people to move reform and opening up, and Socialist modernization construction forward since reform and opening up and especially since the 16th Party Congress, and strengthen the confidence of the entire Party and the people of all ethnicities in the entire country in unwaveringly marching the path of Socialism with Chinese characteristics. The entire Party must even more closely unite around the Party Centre, firmly do work in all areas well, and welcome the victorious convocation of the 18th Party Congress with magnificent achievements.

沿着中国特色社会主义伟大道路奋勇前进
胡锦涛指出,中国特色社会主义是当代中国发展进步的旗帜,也是全党全国各族人民团结奋斗的旗帜,我们必须毫不动摇以邓小平理论、“三个代表”重要思想为指导,深入贯彻落实科学发展观,坚持和发展中国特色社会主义。我们必须抓紧工作,抓紧落实,在未来5年为到2020年如期实现全面建成小康社会目标打下具有决定性意义的基础,进而到本世纪中叶基本实现社会主义现代化。我们必须毫不动摇走党和人民在长期实践中开辟出来的正确道路,不为任何风险所惧、不为任何干扰所惑。解放思想始终是推动党和人民事业发展的强大思想武器,改革开放始终是推动党和人民事业发展的强大动力,我们必须毫不动摇推进改革开放,永不僵化、永不停滞,团结一切可以团结的力量,调动一切可以调动的积极因素,信心百倍战胜前进道路上的一切困难和风险。

胡锦涛指出,综合分析当前国内外形势,我们面临前所未有的机遇,也面对前所未有的挑战,我国发展仍处于可以大有作为的重要战略机遇期。能否牢牢把握机遇、沉着应对挑战,关键取决于我们的思想认识,取决于我们的工作力度,取决于我们推进改革发展的步伐。我们要全面审视当今世界和当代中国发展大势,全面把握我国发展新要求和人民群众新期待,科学制定适应时代要求和人民愿望的行动纲领和大政方针,更加奋发有为、兢兢业业地工作,继续推动科学发展、促进社会和谐,继续改善人民生活、增进人民福祉,奋力完成时代赋予的光荣而艰巨的任务。

胡锦涛强调,党的十六大以来,我们走过了很不平坦的道路。综观这10年,国际形势风云变幻,国内改革发展稳定任务繁重,我们紧紧抓住和用好我国发展的重要战略机遇期,战胜一系列严峻挑战,奋力把中国特色社会主义事业推进到一个新的发展阶段。我们之所以能取得这样的历史性成就和进步,最重要的就是坚持以马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论、“三个代表”重要思想为指导,勇于推进实践基础上的理论创新,形成和贯彻了科学发展观,为全面建设小康社会、加快推进社会主义现代化提供了有力的理论指导。深入贯彻落实科学发展观仍然是一项长期艰巨的任务,面临着一系列极具挑战性的矛盾和困难。我们必须以更加坚定的决心、更加有力的举措、更加完善的制度来贯彻落实科学发展观,真正把科学发展观转化为推动经济社会又好又快发展的强大力量。

胡锦涛强调,经过长期努力,我们坚持和发展中国特色社会主义取得了重大理论和实践成果,最重要的就是,开辟了中国特色社会主义道路,形成了中国特色社会主义理论体系,确立了中国特色社会主义制度。这是党和人民90多年奋斗、创造、积累的根本成就,必须倍加珍惜、始终坚持、不断发展。新的历史条件下,我们继续推进中国特色社会主义,必须不断丰富中国特色社会主义的实践特色、理论特色、民族特色、时代特色。

胡锦涛指出,全党同志必须牢记,我国过去30多年的快速发展靠的是改革开放,我国未来发展也必须坚定不移依靠改革开放。只有改革开放才能发展中国、发展社会主义、发展马克思主义。我们一定要坚持党的十一届三中全会以来的路线方针政策,坚持把改革创新精神贯彻到治国理政各个环节,更加自觉、更加坚定地推进改革开放,不断在制度建设和创新方面迈出新步伐,奋力把改革开放推向前进。
在谈到加快转变经济发展方式时,胡锦涛强调,以经济建设为中心是兴国之要,发展仍是解决我国所有问题的关键。在当代中国,坚持发展是硬道理的本质要求就是坚持科学发展。以科学发展为主题、以加快转变经济发展方式为主线,是关系我国发展全局的战略抉择。全党同志一定要统一思想、提高认识,坚决执行中央加快转变经济发展方式的重大决策部署,把推动发展的立足点转到提高质量和效益上来,扎扎实实抓好实施创新驱动发展战略、推进经济结构战略性调整、推动城乡发展一体化、全面提高开放型经济水平等战略任务的贯彻落实,着力激发各类市场主体发展新活力,推动工业化、信息化、城镇化、农业现代化同步发展,全面深化经济体制改革,不断增强长期发展后劲。

在谈到推进政治体制改革时,胡锦涛强调,改革开放以来,我们始终把政治体制改革摆在改革发展全局的重要位置,坚定不移加以推进,取得了重大进展,成功开辟和坚持了中国特色社会主义政治发展道路。推进政治体制改革,必须坚持党的领导、人民当家作主、依法治国有机统一,发展更加广泛、更加充分的人民民主,保证人民依法实行民主选举、民主决策、民主管理、民主监督,更加注重发挥法治在国家和社会治理中的重要作用,维护国家法治的统一、尊严、权威,保障社会公平正义,保证人民依法享有广泛权利和自由。

在谈到建设社会主义文化强国时,胡锦涛强调,建设社会主义文化强国,是我们党把握时代和形势发展变化、积极回应各族人民精神文化需求作出的重大战略决策。我们要坚定不移走中国特色社会主义文化发展道路,坚持为人民服务、为社会主义服务的方向,坚持百花齐放、百家争鸣的方针,坚持贴近实际、贴近生活、贴近群众的原则,树立高度的文化自觉和文化自信,推动社会主义精神文明和物质文明全面发展,建设面向现代化、面向世界、面向未来的,民族的科学的大众的社会主义文化。

在谈到改善民生和加强社会建设时,胡锦涛指出,在经济发展基础上逐步提高人民物质文化生活水平,是改革开放和社会主义现代化建设的根本目的。改革开放以来特别是近些年来,我们在改善民生方面作出极大努力,取得明显成效。同时,我们也要看到,人民群众对过上更好生活的要求也在增强,对加快解决民生领域突出问题的期盼也在提高。我们必须继续加强工作,多谋民生之利,多解民生之忧,解决好人民最关心最直接最现实的利益问题,在学有所教、劳有所得、病有所医、老有所养、住有所居上持续取得新进展,使改革发展成果更多更公平惠及全体人民,保证人民过上更好生活。

在谈到推进生态文明建设时,胡锦涛指出,推进生态文明建设,是涉及生产方式和生活方式根本性变革的战略任务,必须把生态文明建设的理念、原则、目标等深刻融入和全面贯穿到我国经济、政治、文化、社会建设的各方面和全过程,坚持节约资源和保护环境的基本国策,着力推进绿色发展、循环发展、低碳发展,为人民创造良好生产生活环境。
胡锦涛强调,改革开放以来,我们紧紧围绕中国特色社会主义伟大事业,全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程,取得了明显成效。新形势下,党所处历史方位和执政条件、党员队伍组成结构都发生了重大变化,来自外部的风险前所未有,党的建设方面特别是党员、干部队伍出现了许多亟待解决的突出问题。全党要增强紧迫感和责任感,坚持党要管党、从严治党,全面加强党的思想建设、组织建设、作风建设、反腐倡廉建设、制度建设,确保党始终成为中国特色社会主义的坚强领导核心。要继续推进党的建设新的伟大工程,坚定理想信念,保持党同人民群众的血肉联系,积极发展党内民主,深化干部人事制度改革,夯实党执政的组织基础,坚定不移反对腐败,自觉维护党的集中统一。

胡锦涛最后指出,各级党委和政府要以高度负责、奋发有为的精神做好改革发展稳定各项工作,继续脚踏实地、扎扎实实抓好落实,认真贯彻稳中求进的工作总基调,保持经济平稳较快发展势头,为大局稳定奠定坚实基础。要切实做好关心群众生产生活工作,时刻把群众安危冷暖放在心上,特别是要做好关心困难群众工作,千方百计帮助他们排忧解难。要加强宣传舆论工作,大力宣传改革开放以来特别是党的十六大以来我们党带领人民推进改革开放和社会主义现代化建设取得的伟大成就,增强全党全国各族人民坚定不移走中国特色社会主义道路的信心。全党要更加紧密地团结在党中央周围,扎扎实实做好各方面工作,以优异成绩迎接党的十八大胜利召开。

Ex-CCTV Chief Dismissed from GAPP Vice-Chair Position, Possibly also from Party

According to Caixin, Jiao Li (焦利), who was the head of CCTV until November last year, and was appointed as Vice-Chairman of the General Administration of Press and Publications, has been removed from his position. Jiao seems to have been the latest victim of the Bo Xilai fallout. Both men started their careers in Liaoning Province. Jiao worked his way through the ranks of the Liaoning Daily, becoming editor-in-chief and chair of its Party Committee. In 1997, he became a member of the Liaoning provincial propaganda department and joined the Central Propaganda Department in 2008. In May 2009, he was appointed as CCTV director. Here, he suspended a news anchor on request of Bo Xilai. However, he was removed from his position after only two and a half years in office, prompting suspicions that Jiao had ruffled feathers in his handling of news items. He also made himself unpopular among staff through the appointments and dismissals he made. Furthermore, Jiao’s private life came under scrutiny.  He allegedly had a relationship with Tang Can, a singer who, according to rumours, has been secretly sentenced to 15 years in July after being involved in numerous high-level scandals, and was closely acquainted with Bo Xilai. Officially, he was transferred to a vice-director position in the General Administration of Press and Publications, but has not been seen in public events since. Now, it seems that he has been removed from all State posts and expelled from the Party.

This calls into question his relationship with Li Changchun, a fellow Liaoninger, number 5 in the Standing Committee and propaganda chief, and Liu Yunshan, director of the Central Propaganda department and Standing Committee hopeful at the 18th Party Committee. Rumours indicate that although Li distanced himself from Jiao as scandal started to broaden, Liu tried to protect Jiao, on whose assistance he relied in the CPD.

Unfortunately, in this case, most we have to go on are reports by partisan overseas Chinese media, which may not necessarily reliable. However, let’s assume, for the sake of the argument, that they are true. This might have interesting consequences for the relationship between the propaganda apparat and the Standing Committee. Propaganda is, together with discipline inspection and personnel appointments, one of the three large supporting pillars of the Party, and the head of the propaganda apparat has been a Standing Committee member since 1989, when the structure was overhauled. There has been an increasing emphasis on media and culture in recent years but until now, the institutions in those fields have generally been staffed by the conservative side of the Party. It is not unimaginable to think that in the raging political crisis, control over propaganda, and therefore the tools of public opinion guidance, has been one of the major points of conflict for the next round of appointments. Also, political battles in China often are fought through underlings. For example, Chen Liangyu’s dismissal in 2003 signalled Hu Jintao’s consolidation of power over the Shanghai faction, while the dismissal of his right hand man Ling Jihua was considered to be a great weakening of his power. It seems inconceivable that Jiao’s dismissal, especially at this time, has nothing to do with Liu Yunshan’s Standing Committee aspirations. However, there are different options. Liu might now be out of the running for one of the spots, but it might also be the case that Jiao’s dismissal is part of a compromise in which Liu will succeed Li Changchun, but will be beholden to other factions in the Party. One more story on the rumour mill, one more reason to watch the line-up, somewhere by this time next month.

“Devils on the Doorstep”: An Interesting Look into Film Censorship

In 2000, Jiang Wen’s film Devil on the Doorstep was banned in China, after coming in second for the Cannes Grand Prix. The film depicts a situation in which a Chinese villager, Ma Dasan, is forced to watch over a Japanese prisoner and a Chinese interpreter. Unable to bring himself to kill them, Ma hides them in an old watchtower and starts taking care of them. In the end, the two prisoners are traded back to the Japanese Army in exchange for carts of grain, but a subsequent misunderstanding ends in a massacre.

Interestingly, China Digital Times published the verdict of the SARFT film censorship board on Devils on the Doorstep. Normally, censorship decisions are not made public, and their content is only revealed by reference in interviews with filmmakers. However, this document provides an insight into some of SARFT’s methods and priorities.

The most important part of the verdict relates to the portrayal of Chinese villagers and Japanese soldiers against the background of the Second World War, or, using the Chinese term, the War to Resist Japan. Throughout, SARFT takes the film to task for incorrect depictions of the nature of the Chinese people. An old grandfather should not be shown as being sympathetic to a young Chinese soldier, it is deemed incorrect that the villagers care for the Japanese soldier and the Chinese traitor (汉奸 hanjian), or that they indicate that they haven’t really suffered under the occupation. When the Japanese soldier imagines being attacked by the villagers, he imagines them as Samurai. However, SARFT feels that what he should feel most are “the armies resisting Japan, such as the Eighth Route Army or guerrilla forces”. Imagining villagers as samurai “uglifies the Chinese people”. In short, in this film, the “common Chinese people” do not show sufficient hatred towards the Japanese, do not sufficiently differentiate between foe and friend, and display ignorance and apathy. At the same time, according to SARFT, the film does not correctly display the cruelty of the Japanese army but, amongst others, shows a Japanese soldier giving sweets to children. Also, “Japanese army songs are played often, putting a spin on the Japanese imperialists flaunting their strength, which may gravely hurt the feelings of the Chinese people.”

A smaller issue comes at the end of the film, where a Guomindang general declares that only the Guomindang can legally accept the surrender of Japanese troops. Again, this does not fit in official CCP historiography and is therefore beyond the pale.

Lastly, there are a few issues of obscenity and language. A sex scene between Ma Dasan and his lover Yu’er is deemed to “bring about strong, harmful sensual stimulation to people.” A scene in which the villagers’ pack donkey gets aroused by a Japanese army donkey is described as vulgar and boring.

In the light of recent, island-related events, the focus on the manicheist separation between the heroic Chinese and the agressive Japanese invaders provides an interesting insight in the politics of division practiced by the censorship board. By insisting on one-dimensional representation of ethnicities, the board seems to deny the possibility to portray a human connection between the Chinese and the Japanese, as has been explored in many Western WW2 films, including Schindler’s List. Rather, the insistence of a politically correct vision of history reinforces Chinese exceptionalism and the dehumanisation of the Japanese, however horrifying some wartime acts might have been.

In terms of obscene content, again, a logic of dehumanisation takes place. By denying the sexuality of Ma Dasan and Yu’er, the board seems to require these characters to become larger than life superhumans. Perhaps the underlying purpose of this direction of censorship can be best explained by understanding the process of content review as an effort to direct the content of film towards the grand objectives of the CCP. In this view, film is not an open artistic expression to be judged on its own merits by audiences, but is a purposive tool to build awareness of the century of humiliation, the innate superiority of the Chinese people, and the grand destiny to which it is called. That being said, this document is now twelve years old, and more light would be shed on the evolution of this matter if more censorship decisions were made public. If anyone is aware of such documents, please contact us.

State Administration of Radio, Film and Television Film Examination Committee Examination Opinion concerning “Devils on the Doorstep”

The coproduced film “Devils on the Doorstep” that your company submitted has been examined by the Film Examination Committee. The Examination Committee believes that:

The script of this film has not been revised strictly according to the Film Bureau “Response concerning Project Establishment of the Coproduction ‘Devils on the Doorstep'” (DZ No.[1998]302), and has been filmed without authorization under the circumstances that no script has been submitted for filing, at the same time, lines and scenes have been added in many places without authorization, resulting in a film, that on the one hand, not only has not expressed the hatred and opposition of the common Chinese people against the invasion, against the great background of the War to Resist Japan (the sole person daring to scold and oppose the Japanese Army is a madman annoying the villagers), on the contrary, it prominently displays and concentratedly exaggerates their ignorance, apathy and servility, and on the other hand, has not only not fully revealed the Japanese imperialist and aggressive nature, but prominently plays up the rampant manner in which Japanese invaders flaunt their strength, leading to grave deviations in the basic concept of the film.

Filthy words appear repeatedly in the film, and Japanese soldiers often take the insult “Chinese pigs” into their mouths, furthermore, there are shots with naked female bodies, the overall style is vulgar and does not conform to the standards of the “Film Examination Regulations”.

The name of the film must be chosen again according to the repeated requirements of the Film Bureau.

The film must, after earnest revision according to the attachment, be resubmitted for examination.

Attachment: “Major Differences Between the Film “Devils on the Doorstep” and the Approved Script”

I, Unauthorized revised and added scenes, resulting in grave deviations in the basic concept of the film:

1, On pages 7 and 8 of the script, when the masses of villagers in the original literary script try the Japanese Soldier Hanaya and the Chinese traitor Dong Hancheng , they does not show fear, but excoriate them: “You want to make trouble, there are no sweet cakes for your to eat” and “We will beat all the yellow out of you”, etc.  But the film shows that the villagers fear them from the start. And the lines of Grandfather in shot 240 were added: “I see you are also children”, displaying common Chinese people as stupid and ignorant, making no difference between foe and friend.

2, The film bureau has insisted on deleting the scene on giving the devils wheat flour and rice to eat in the literary script, but in the film, not only has this scene not been deleted, but it repeatedly plays up Ma Dasan’s lending rice to Erbozi, agreeing on repaying eight times the loan, and the villagers also excitedly wrapping dumplings for Japanese soldiers and Chinese traitors. It objectively expresses the times of extreme difficulties of life for the common Chinese people during wartime, but their active care for Japanese soldiers and Chinese traitors, gravely violates history.

3, Shots 1027; In comparison with the literary script, the film adds lines for Erbozi: “The Japanese have come to our village eight years ago, what happened in those eight years, have they dared to touch one hair of mine? I’m doing fine, walking level, wherever I go, they will look highly at me”. The Japanese invaders were burning, killing, pillaging and looting China for eight years, committing heinous crimes, however, the film says, through the mouth of the wife of Erbozi that the Japanese army was highly disciplined towards them, embellishing the Japanese invaders.

4, Shots 472 to 496, in comparison with the literary script, the film added a section in which the Japanese Soldier Hanaya thinks that Ma Dasan has brought the villagers and comes breaking through, and imagines Ma Dasan and the villagers with the appearance of Samurai. Against the great background of the War of Resistance, the most dreaded fear of the Japanese soldier Hanaya should be the armies resisting Japan, such as the Eighth Route Army or guerrilla forces, the scene in which Ma Dasan and the villagers are imagined as Japanese samurai is not only false, it also uglifies Chinese people.

5, Shots 877 to 893, shorts 918 to 931, shots 941 to 947, and shorts 954 to 959, in comparison with the literary script, the film has added the storyline that the villagers think Ma Dasan killed the devils, pay not attention to him, and even Yu’er avoids him, upsetting Ma Dasan’s nerve. It displays multitudinous common Chinese people who don’t have the necessary hatred against the Japanese army, don’t differentiate between foe and friend, are ignorant and apathetic.

6, Shots 1002 to 1069; in comparison with the literary script, the film has added a storyline where after the small child’s learning Japanese creates danger, a crowd of villagers gets angry at Ma Dasan, and compete one by one to let him kill himself, and put his head on the table; Yu’er sais to the villagers: “isn’t letting him kill people, also letting me harbouring sinister designs? Look at these two days, you haven’t paid any attention to him. If we don’t kill people, we are forced to kill people, if we have killed people, we are not given any attention, looking at Ma Dasan is the same as looking at the devil, no-one has died, and you clash with us and do this…” It displays that common Chinese people not only do not dare to resist the enemy, but also are full of servility towards and fear of the invaders, can only fight among themselves, and are mutually suspicious and jealous.

7, Page 34 of the script: In the original script, when One Stroke Liu talks about his skill in killling, he says he killed a palace eunuch having a clandestine affair, but in shots 1177 to 1199 if the film, it has changed to One Stroke Liu having killed “eight ministers from the side of Cixi” and “the master of the Hundred Days of Reform, Tan Sitong”, this not only endows it with new political content, but also plays up the pride in beheading skills, with the result that he fails in killing the Japanese soldiers, exclaims “all my life’s glory, destroyed in a moment”, and runs away despondently. For people, it is a metaphor that in the last century, Chinese people were only able to take the axe to their own people, and did not dare to resist foreign aggression.

8, On page 39 of the script, everyone is discussing to send the devils back, in the original script, it is described that when the Japanese army arrives in the village, they draw a circle by sprinkling white rice, encircling the commoners, and force them to eat the rice, those who are unable to eat more, have their heads restrained and rice pressed into their mouth, an when the Japanese captain talks, the commoners pay no attention to him. However, in shots 1763 to 1871 of the film, this scene has been changed into a get-together, and forcefully plays up that they drink wine and sing songs together, the villagers are eternally grateful, the Japanese army is as close as brothers with the villagers, and there are lines such as “Today, I am happy, not only because of these grain carts, but mainly because the Imperial Army has given us face”, etc., this is a major change to the concept of the script, and is utterly contrary to the theme.

9, On pages 47 to 40 of the script; in the scene of the massacre of the villagers, in the original script, there are descriptions of common people who finally come to there senses, rise up and revolt, such as Erbozi picking up a steel helmet and striking Japanese soldiers with it, and the mother of Erbozi who takes of her shoes to hit the devils, and shouts: “Don’t be stupid, pick up weapons and fight.” But in the films, in shots 1872 to 2073, the commoners don’t fight with the devils until they die, and when facing massacre, essentially wait helplessly for death, and let themselves be trampled.

11, The only person who dares to scold and resist Japan in this film is a lunatic who annoys the villagers.

12, In comparison with the literary script, a scene is added in which a Guomindang general convenes the commoners, he openly executes Chinese traitors, and when giving his speech to accept surrender, says: “Only the republican armies are the legal acceptors of surrendering Japanese troops.” He also has a Japanese person lend a hand to kill Ma Dasan. This utterly reverses factual acts, but receives the agreement of the surrounding commoners, it gravely distorts history, and has not achieved the effect of criticising and mocking the Guomindang.

13, In the film, there are two persons singing ditties, who appear three times in total, there is no description of this in the original literary script. In shot 1099, lines such as “The Imperial Army comes to our village, let’s jointly build a common flourishing circle in East Asia, the Imperial Army has come to help the needy and relieve the distressed” have also been added. This is typical of the imagery of ignorance, apathy and being slaves without a country.

14, The content of Crazy Old Seven’s words when cursing Ma Dasan and Yu’er and when cursing Japanese devils is similar, this is extremely inappropriate.

15, In many places in the film, the mouths of Japanese people are used to insult Chinese people for “Chinese dogs”, gravely harming the image of China.

II, In the reply to the script, revision opinions were put forward, but in the following places, these revisions have not been made in the film:

1, On page 2 of the script: after Nonomura finishes juggling, he puts away his pack of sweets into his bag, displaying the Japanese army’s teasing children. In shot 24 of the film, he not only gives sweets, but also repeatedly displays Chinese children in pursuit of Japanese soldiers, asking for sweets.

2, On page 2 of the script: the scene in which Ma Dasan and Yu’er gasp violently for breath on the bed and  Yu’er is naked should already have been deleted in the original script. In shots 28 to 41 of the film, it has not only not been deleted, but lines have also been added: “Let me look”, “Look at what, faster, don’t have a rest”. The effect of the length, imagery and sounds of this bed scene are strong, and bring about strong, harmful sensual stimulation to people.

3, On page 40 of the script: When the donkey is in heat, in the original literary script, it was changed into the donkey running into the devils’ granary. In shorts 1590 to 1606 of the film, it has not been revised. This storyline has a vulgar style and is boring.

4. In the original literary script, the absolute majority of dirty works should have been deleted, but in the film, they are ubiquitous, and many characters use dirty words.

5, In the film, Japanese army songs are played often, putting a spin on the Japanese imperialists flaunting their strength, which may gravely hurt the feelings of the Chinese people.

广播电影电视总局电影审查委员会关于《鬼子来了》的审查意见

你公司送审的合拍片《鬼子来了》已经电影审查委员会审查。审委会认为:
影片没有严格按照电影局《关于合拍片<鬼子来了>立项的批复》(电字[1998]第302号)中的意见修改剧本,并在没有报送备案剧本的情况下擅自拍摄,同时又擅自增加多处台词和情节,致使影片一方面不仅没有表现出在抗日战争大背景下,中国百姓对侵略者的仇恨和反抗(唯一一个敢于痛骂和反抗日军的还是个招村民讨嫌的疯子),反而突出展示和集中夸大了其愚昧、麻木、奴性的一面,另一方面,不仅没有充分暴露日本军国主义的侵略本质,反而突出渲染了日本侵略者耀武扬威的猖獗气势,由此导致影片的基本立意出现严重偏差。
影片多处出现污言秽语,并从日本兵口中多次辱骂“支那猪”,另外还有女性的裸露镜头,整体上格调低俗,不符合《电影审查规定》的标准。影片片名须按电影局多次要求重新选择。影片须在参照附件认真修改后,重新报请审查。 附:《影片<鬼子来了>与批准立项剧本主要不同之外》

  《影片<鬼子来了>与批准立项剧本主要不同之处》

一, 擅自修改、增加情节导致影片基本立意出现严重偏差:

1,剧本第7至8页,原文学剧本中众村民审日本兵花屋及汉奸董汉臣时,并未表现出恐惧,喝斥他们:“要闹歪,没你香饽饽吃,”,“掺假可整出你的黄来”等。而影片却表现村民一开始就惧怕他们。并增加第240镜五舅老爷台词:“我看你们也都是孩子”,将中国百姓表现得愚昧无知、敌我不分。

2,对给鬼子吃细粮的情节,在文学剧本阶段,电影局始终坚持删掉,但影片不仅未删,却反复渲染马大三向二拨子娘借米那,约定借一还八,从村民还热热闹闹给日本兵和汉奸包饺子。客观上表现了战争时期的中国百姓在生活极度困难之时,并主动关心日兵和汉奸,严重违背了历史。

3,第1027镜;影片较之文学剧本增加了二拨子娘台词:“日本子来咱们村都八年了,八年了咋的,他八年了他敢动我一根汗毛?我行的正,走的端,我走到哪他都得高看我一眼。”日本侵略者在中国烧杀抢掠八年,犯下滔天罪行,影片却借二拨子娘之口说日军对自己秋毫无犯,美化了日本侵略者。

4,第472镜至496镜,影片较之原剧本增加了日兵花屋想象马大三带乡亲们冲过来的一段,并将马大三和乡亲们设计成日本武士的样子。在抗战大背景下,日兵花屋最惧怕的应是抗日队伍,是八路军、游击队,马大三和乡亲被设计成日本武士的情节不仅虚假,也丑化了中国人。

5,第877镜至893镜,第918镜至931镜,第941镜至947镜,第954镜至959镜,影片较之原剧本增加了村民以为马大三杀了鬼子,都不理他,甚至鱼儿也躲着他,使马大三神经受刺激的情节。表现了中国众多百姓对日军没有应有的仇恨,以至敌我不分、愚昧麻木。

6,1002镜至1069镜;影片较之原剧本增加了小孩学日本语造成危险之后,众村民向马大三发火,一个个争着让他杀了自己,并把头放到了桌子上的情节;鱼二跟村民说:“让他杀人,那不是让我怀鬼胎吗……看看这两天,你们谁搭理他了……不杀人,逼我们杀人,杀了人,又不搭理我们,见了马大三跟见了鬼似的,人没死,冲我们又弄这个……”表现了中国百姓不仅不敢抗敌,而且对侵略者充满奴性和恐惧,对自己人只会窝里斗,互相猜忌。

7,剧本第34页:原剧本中一刀刘讲自己杀人技巧时,说的是杀偷情的太监,而影片第1177镜至1199镜,改成了一刀刘杀的是“慈禧身边的八大臣”,“百日维新之主谭嗣同”,不仅赋予了新的政治内涵,并对砍头技巧加以自豪的渲染,结果杀日本兵时却遭失败,感叹“英名一世,毁于一旦”,最后狼狈逃走。给人以千百年来中国人只会举起屠刀杀自己人,却不敢抵御外侮的隐喻。

8,剧本第39页,大家商量送鬼子回去一场,原文学剧本中描写日军到了村中,将大米洒成一圈,将百姓圈住,逼百姓吃饭,吃不下的还按住头往嘴里塞,日军队长讲话时,百姓们都不理他。而影片第1763镜至1871镜,将这场戏改为联欢,并大力渲染,一起喝酒唱歌,百姓们感激不尽,日军与村民亲如兄弟,并有“今儿我高兴,不单是冲这几车粮食,主要是冲皇军给了我们面子”等台词,这是对剧本立意的重大改动,从根本上悖离了主题。

10,剧本第47页至49页;屠杀村民场面,原文学剧本中有百姓终于醒悟,奋起反抗的描写,如二拨端起钢盔砸向日本兵,二拨子娘脱下鞋打鬼子,并喊道:“别傻了,抄家伙拼吧”。但影片第1872镜至2073镜,百姓们至死也未与鬼子拼斗,面对屠杀基本是束手待毙,任人宰割。

11,影片中唯一一个敢于痛骂和反抗日本侵略者的人还是招村民讨嫌的疯子。

12,影片较之文学剧本增加了国民党将领召集百姓聚会的场面,他公开处死汉奸,发表受降讲话,在讲话中说:“只有国军才是投降日军唯一合法的接收者。”并借日本人之手杀死马大三。而这一切颠倒事实的行为,却得到了围观百姓的呼应,严重歪曲了历史,没有达到批判和讽刺国民党的效果。

13,影片中有两个唱小曲的人物,共出场三次,原文学剧本中无此描写。镜头第1099“皇军来到咱家乡,共建大东亚共荣圈,皇军来了救苦救难……”这样的台词也是增加的。这是典型的愚昧、麻木、亡国奴的形象。

14,疯老七骂大三与鱼儿的话和骂日本鬼子的话内容相同,十分不妥。

15,片中多处借日本人之口辱骂中国人为“支那猪”,严重损害中国的形象。

二,剧本批复中曾提出修改意见,但影片未改之处:

1,剧本第2页:野野村变完把戏之后将糖装回兜里,以表现日军在捉弄孩子。现影片第24镜头,不仅给了糖,而且还几次表现中国孩子追在日军后边要糖吃。

2,剧本第2页:马大三与鱼儿在床上剧烈的喘息声、鱼儿裸体镜头原文学剧本已经将其删除。影片第28至41镜不仅未予删除,还增加了台词:“让我看看。”“看啥呀,快点的,别歇着。” 这段床上戏时间长,画面、声音效果强烈,给人造成强烈的不良的感官刺激。

3,剧本第40页:毛驴发情一场,原文学剧本中已改为毛驴钻入鬼子粮仓。现影片第1590镜至1606镜,未做修改。此情节格调低俗、无聊。

4,原文学剧本中已将绝大多数脏话删改,但影片中比比皆是,每个人物都在骂脏话。

5,影片中频繁吹奏日本军歌,为日本军国主义扬威造势,会严重刺伤中国人民的感情。