Outline of the Report of the Five-Person Cultural Revolution Group concerning the Present Academic Discussion

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Central Committee-Approved Outline of the Report of the Five-Person Cultural Revolution Group concerning the Present Academic Discussion

12 February 1966.

All Central bureaus, all provincial, municipal and autonomous regional Party Committees, all Central ministries and commissions, all departmental Party organizations and party Committees in State organs, the General Political Department: The Centre has approved the Outline of the Report of the Five-Parton Cultural Revolution Group concerning the Present Academic Discussion. Hereby, this outline is issued to you, it is hoped matters are carried out according to this. The content of this Outline shall be transmitted to the comrades in control of academic discussion work within the Party, and comrades engaging in academic research work. When discussing it, the speech that Comrade Mao Zedong made at the CCP National Propaganda Work Conference in March of 1957 shall be taken as study material.

Central Committee

12 February 1966

Outline of the Report of the Five-Person Cultural Revolution Group concerning the Present Academic Discussion

7 February 1966

The Five-Person Cultural Revolution Group held a full-day meeting on 3 February. The participants were Peng Zhen, [Lu] Dingyi, Kang Sheng, [Wu] Lengxi as well as Xu Liqun, Hu Sheng, Yao Qin, Wang Li, Fan Ruoyu, Liu Ren and Zheng Tianxiang. There were 11 comrades in total. The questions and main opinions discussed at the meeting are the following:

(1) The situation and nature of present academic criticism

Concerning the judgment of the Comrade Wu Han’s “Hai Rui Dismissed from Office”, as well as the discussion on questions concerning moral inheritance, “upright officials”, “the policy of making concession”, the evaluation of historical persons, and viewpoints and methods in historical research that developed from this has made thinking circles jump up, the lid has been pulled of, and great achievements have been made. The nature of this great debate is a great struggle of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought with bourgeois thinking in the ideological area, it is a struggle in the academic area to eradicate bourgeois and other reactionary or mistaken thoughts after our country’s proletariat gained political power and carried out the Socialist revolution, and it is a component part of the struggle to support the proletarian and eliminate the bourgeois, i.e. the struggle between the two paths of Socialism and capitalism. This great debate certainly will spread to other academic areas. We must perform this struggle in a well-led, earnest, vigorous and cautious manner, attack bourgeois thinking, consolidate and expand the ideological battlefield of the proletariat, and greatly promote the study of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought among our cadres, academic workers and the broad worker and peasant masses, and greatly raise their political and ideological levels. Thoroughly eliminating bourgeois thinking in the academic area is a problem that the Soviet Union and other Socialist countries have never solved. Here, a question of who leads whom and who has vanquished who exists. We must, through this struggle and under the leadership of Mao Zedong Thought, open up a path to resolve this problem, train a line of academic teams that are both red and experts through struggle on the one hand and study on the other hand, and progressively and systematically resolve problems in this area. Through this struggle and a range of other work (for instance advocating that workers, peasants and soldiers study Chairman Mao’s works, and that workers, peasants and soldiers study philosophy, etc.), we do not only aim to further smash old intellectuals, who in fact hold the monopoly position in the academia and culture of the exploiting class, we also aim to enter a new historical era in which the broad worker, peasant and soldier masses directly grasp the theoretical weapon and scientific culture of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. Naturally, this begins first with those among them that have considerable cultural levels, and will advance and develop following the dissemination and rise of worker and peasant masses’ culture. Exactly for this reason, we should fully appraise the length, complexity and formidability of this struggle. We must despise strategically and value tactically. We must understand that in this struggle, it is not the case that this task can be completed in a few months, with a few conclusive articles, or passing political verdicts on some people who are criticized. We shall vigorously, earnestly and incessantly persist in this struggle for a long time.

(2) Guiding principles

Persisting in the general principle of “liberation” discussed by Comrade Mao Zedong in his speech at the CCP National Propaganda Work Conference in March 1957, means letting all sorts of different opinions (including anti-Marxist-Leninist things) be fully liberated, using the method of clearly stating facts and stressing rationality in a struggle of diametrically opposed contradictions, analysing and judging reactionary or mistaken opinions, and truly refuting or destroying them. The question of academic debate is very complex, there are some facts that cannot easily be figured out in the short run. In our discussions, we must grasp great rights and wrongs, we must first distinguish clearly the boundaries between two classes (the proletariat and the bourgeoisie), two paths (the Socialist path and the capitalist path), and two isms (Marxism-Leninism and anti-Marxism-Leninism), and clearly distinguish the academic questions of right and wrong that are of fundamental importance. We must persist in seeking truth from fact and in the principle that everyone is equal in the face of the truth, we must persuade people by reasoning, we must not arbitrarily overwhelm others with power like a scholar-tyrant. We must advocate “persisting in truth and correcting mistakes at all times”. We must have both destruction and construction (without construction, it is not possible to achieve true and thorough destruction). In our struggle, we must earnestly and assiduously study Mao Zedong Thought and conduct academic research, grasp large amounts of materials, conduct scientific analysis and move academia forward. That is to say, w must not only overwhelm the opposite side politically, but we must truly and greatly exceed and overwhelm the other side in terms of academic and professional levels. Only in this way will this benefit the use of proletarian thought to progressively transform old intellectuals, raise revolutionary intellectuals, unite the majority, oppose the minority, truly isolate the extremely small number of people who persist and do not change, who will die holding on to mistaken or reactionary viewpoints and don’t let them go, and progressively destroy reactionary academic viewpoints. We must permit and welcome people who made mistakes and people with reactionary viewpoints to correct their mistakes. We must adopt a solemn and well-disposed attitude towards them, we must cast them aside or “bar them from the revolution> Regardless of whether they change or do not change, whether they truly change or their change is false, if we act in this manner, it will be relatively beneficial. With regard to people like Wu Han who use capitalist worldviews in dealing with history and make political mistakes, discussion in newspapers and periodicals must not be limited to political questions, we must fully unfold and discuss questions involving all sorts of academic theory. If , in the end, there still are different opinions, we shall tolerate that they are retained, and continue the discussion later. In this way, it will be easy to liberate all sorts of opinions, and use our teams to mature and expand through struggle on the one hand and study on the other hand. We must be cautious in judging people by name in newspapers and periodicals, it is necessary to obtain approval from relevant leading organs for some people. Performers who participated in bad plays in the past must not be called upon to make an open self-criticism in newspapers or periodicals during this debate, their mistakes can be resolved in different venues. The Worker’s Daily, the China Youth Daily, the Sports Daily and other such newspapers and periodicals are in principle permitted to publish discussion articles, summaries or abstracts, but must pay attention to quality and pay attention to succinctness and clarity.

(3) Teams

The Five-Person Group and all provincial, municipal and regional Party Committees must grasp revolutionary academic work teams. We must rely on a firm left side, unite all revolutionary positive elements, and isolate the extremely small number of people who are incorrigibly obstinate, persistent and unchangeable. We must strike on the one hand and build on the other hand, go from the small to the many, progressively form a line of revolutionary and militant teams that are both red and expert, who exceed bourgeois intellectuals not only in political terms, but in academic terms as well

(4) The left wing must mutually assist each other.

We must form a large batch of “mutual assistance groups” and “cooperatives” with leftist academic workers, advocate that, on the basis of separate research, they undergo collective discussion, divide work and write individually, use appropriate methods for mutual criticism and mutual assistance, and oppose self-aggrandizement. Guard against leftist academic workers marching the path of bourgeois experts and scholar-tyrants. We must pay high regard to the outstanding young workers emerging in this struggle, foster and help them. Even though the left wing may be firm (which can be seen from its long-term performance), it will be difficult to avoid that, because old thinking has not been thoroughly eliminated or because there is unclear understanding of new issues, some mistaken words may be spoken at certain times, or that all sorts of mistakes are made on certain issues, we must use the method of internal small-group study and rectification at opportune moments to clean this up, clarify right and wrong, increase immunity and resistance. As long as mistakes have been rectified or there is the intention to rectify them, it is all right. We must not grip each other tightly and not let go, this impedes criticism of bourgeois academia and one’s own progress.

(5) It is now necessary to set about preparing the disputed questions, and at a certain moment, again publish a number of relatively high-quality articles in newspapers and periodicals.

(6) The Five-Person Group establishes an academic criticism office.

The office is composed of Comrades Xu Liqun, Hu Sheng, Wu Lengxi, Yao Qin, Wang Li, Fan Ruoyu, etc. Comrade Xu Liqun will be the director, Comrade Hu Sheng is responsible for supporting work in the academic area.

中共中央批转文化革命五人小组关于当前学术讨论的汇报提纲 1966.02.12
各中央局,各省、市、自治区党委,中央各部委,国家机关各部门党组、党委,总政治部: 中央同意文化革命五人小组关于当前学术讨论的汇报提纲。现将这个提纲发给你们,望照此执行。 这个提纲的内容,应当向党内主管学术讨论工作的同志,和从事学术研究工作的同志传达并组织讨论。在讨论时,应当把毛泽东同志一九五七年三月在中国共产党全国宣传工作会议上的讲话作为学习文件。 中 央 一九六六年二月十二日
五人小组向中央的汇报提纲 (一九六六年二月七日) 文化革命五人小组,二月三日开了一天会。参加人有彭真、定一、康生、冷西,以及许立群、胡绳、姚溱、王力、范若愚、刘仁、郑天翔。共十一个同志。 会上讨论的问题,及主要意见如下:
(一)目前学术批判的形势和性质 对吴晗同志《海瑞罢官》的批判,以及由此展开的关于道德继承、“清官”、“让步政策”、历史人物评价和历史研究的观点方法等问题的讨论,已使思想界活跃起来了,盖子揭开了,成绩很大。这场大辩论的性质,是马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想同资产阶级思想在意识形态领域内的一场大斗争,是我国无产阶级取得政权并且实行社会主义革命后,在学术领域中清除资产阶级和其他反动或错误思想的斗争,是兴无灭资的斗争即社会主义及资本主义两条道路斗争中的一个组成部分。这场大辩论势必扩展到其它学术领域中去。我们要有领导地、认真地、积极地和谨慎地搞好这场斗争,打击资产阶级思想,巩固、扩大无产阶级的思想阵地,并且大大推动我们干部、学术工作者、广大工农群众对马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想的学习,把他们的政治思想水平大大提高一步。 彻底清理学术领域内的资产阶级思想,是苏联和其他社会主义国家一直没有解决的问题。这里存在着一个谁领导谁、谁战胜谁的问题。我们要通过这场斗争,在毛泽东思想的指导下,开辟解决这个问题的道路,在边争、边学中锻炼出一支又红又专的学术队伍,并且逐步地系统地解决这方面的问题。 我们通过这场斗争和其他一系列工作(例如提倡工农兵学毛主席著作、工农兵学哲学等)不仅要进一步打破旧知识分子,实际是剥削阶级学术文化的垄断地位,而且要从此进入一个广大工农兵群众直接掌握马列主义、毛泽东思想的理论武器和科学文化的新的历史时期。当然,首先是从他们中间有相当文化水平的人开始,并且随着工农群众文化的普及提高而向前发展。 正因为如此,应当足够的估计到这场斗争的长期性、复杂性、艰巨性。要战略上藐视,战术上重视。要估计到这场斗争不是经过几个月,有几篇结论性文章,或者给某些被批评者做出政治结论,就可能完成这个任务的。我们应当积极地、认真地、不间断地把这场斗争长期坚持下去。
(二)方针 坚持毛泽东同志一九五七年三月在党的全国宣传工作会议上所讲的“放”的方针,也就是让各种不同意见(包括反马克思列宁主义的东西)都充分地放出来,在针锋相对的矛盾的斗争中,用摆事实、讲道理的方法,对反动或错误的思想加以分析批判,真正地驳倒或摧毁他们。 学术争论问题是很复杂的,有些事短时间内不容易完全弄清楚。我们在讨论中,要抓大是大非,首先要划清两个阶级(无产阶级和资产阶级)、两条道路(社会主义道路和资本主义道路)、两个主义(马列主义和反马列主义)的界限,并且弄清学术上带根本性的是非问题。要坚持实事求是,在真理面前人人平等的原则,要以理服人,不要像学阀一样武断和以势压人。要提倡“坚持真理、随时修正错误”。要有破有立(没有立,就不可能达到真正、彻底地破)。我们在斗争中,认真地、刻苦地学习毛泽东思想和进行学术研究,掌握大量资料,进行科学分析,把学术向前推进。就是说,我们不仅要在政治上压倒对方,而且要在学术和业务的水准上真正大大地超过和压倒对方。 只有这样,才有利于用无产阶级思想逐步地改造旧知识分子,提高革命的知识分子,团结大多数,反对少数,并且真正把极少数坚持不改、死抱住错误或反动观点不放的人孤立起来,逐步地摧毁反动的学术观点。要准许和欢迎犯错误的人和学术观点反动的人自己改正错误。对他们要采取严肃和与人为善的态度,不要和稀泥,不要“不准革命”。不论他们是改还是不改,是真改还是假改,我们这样做,都比较有利。 对于吴晗这样用资产阶级世界观对待历史和犯有政治错误的人,在报刊上的讨论不要局限于政治问题,要把涉及到各种学术理论的问题,充分地展开讨论。如果最后还有不同意见,应当容许保留,以后继续讨论。这样,便于把各种意见放出来,并使我们的队伍在边争边学中成长、壮大起来。 报刊上公开点名作重点批判要慎重,有的人要经过有关领导机构批准。过去参加演坏戏的演员,不要叫他们在这次争论中在报刊上公开检讨,他们的错误可以在另外的场合解决。 工人日报、中国青年报、体育报等报刊,原则上都可以发表讨论文章或摘要、简介,但要注意质量,注意简洁明了。
(三)队伍 五人小组和各省、市、区党委都要抓紧革命的学术工作队伍。要依靠坚定的左派,团结一切革命的积极分子,孤立极少数顽固不化、坚持不改的人。 我们要边打边建,由少到多,逐步形成一支不但在政治上、而且在学术上超过资产阶级知识分子的革命的、战斗的、又红又专的队伍。
(四)左派要相互帮助 要形成大批的左派学术工作者的“互助组”、“合作社”,提倡在分头研究的基础上,经过集体讨论,分工分头执笔,用适当的方式互相批评和互相帮助,反对自以为是。警惕左派学术工作者走上资产阶级专家、学阀的道路。要重视在斗争中出现的优秀的青年作者,加以培养和帮助。 即使是坚定的左派(从长期表现来看),也难免因为旧思想没有彻底清理或者因为对新问题认识不清,在某个时候说过些错话,在某些问题上犯过大大小小的错误,要在适当的时机,用内部少数人学习整风的办法,清理一下,弄清是非,增加免疫性、抵抗力。只要错误已经改正,或者决心改正就好。不要彼此揪住不放,妨碍对资产阶级学术的批判和自己的前进。
(六)五人小组设立学术批判的办公室 办公室由许立群、胡绳、吴冷西、姚溱、王力、范若愚等同志组成。许立群同志为主任,胡绳同志负责主持学术方面的工作。

One thought on “Outline of the Report of the Five-Person Cultural Revolution Group concerning the Present Academic Discussion

    Latest Updates | China Copyright and Media said:
    March 23, 2014 at 9:33 am

    […] Outline of the Report of the Five-Person Cultural Revolution Group concerning the Present Academic … (Central Committee, 1966) […]

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