Speech when Receiving the Capital Martial Law Army Troop-Level or Higher Cadres

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Deng Xiaoping

9 June 1989

Comrades, you’ve worked hard!

First and foremost, I express my deepest condolences with the PLA officers and men, Armed Police officers and men, Public Security and Police comrades who have given up their life heroically in this struggle! I express my intimate sympathies with the thousands of PLA officers and men, Armed Police officers and men, Public Security and Police comrades who have been wounded in this struggle! I extend intimate regards to the LA officers and men, Armed Police officers and men, Public Security and Police comrades who have participated in this struggle!

I suggest that everyone stands up in tribute to the fallen martyrs!

I’d like to take this opportunity to say a few things.

This disturbance had to come sooner or later. This was decided by the international microclimate and the microclimate inside China itself, it absolutely had to come, not because of the fact that the will of the people is shifting, but it merely was an issue of sooner, bigger or smaller. That it came now is relatively advantageous for us. The most advantageous is that we have a large batch of old comrades living and in good health, they have weathered many storms, they understand the relationship of harm and benefit between things, they support the adoption of firm actions against the turmoil. Although some comrades did not understand this for a while, in the end, they will understand this, and will support this decision of the Centre.

The “People’s Daily” op-ed of 26 April described the nature of the problem as turmoil. The two characters composing the word “turmoil” are appropriate, some people opposed the use of these two characters, and what they wanted to change were also these two characters. Practice proves that this judgement was correct. Afterwards, that the state of affairs further developed into a counterrevolutionary riot was also inevitable. We have a batch of old comrades who are still living and in good health, including in the military, and we have a batch of backbones from all eras who participated in the revolution who are still around, because of this, when matters erupted now, it was relatively easy to deal with them. The main difficulty in dealing with this incident was that we have never run into this sort of situation, where a small pinch of evildoers have mingled among such great masses of young students and bystanders, for a while, the front could not be distinguished clearly, making it difficult to take on many of the actions that we should adopt. If we did not have the support of so many of our Party’s old comrades, it would even have been difficult to determine the nature of this incident. Some comrades do not understand the nature of the problems, and believed that this was purely issue of approaching the masses, in fact, the adversary was not just some masses who confuse right and wrong, there were also a batch of rebel factions and large amounts of social scum. They want to overthrow our country and overthrow our Party, this is the essence of the problem. A lack of understanding of this basic issue means that the essence is not clear. I believe that through doing work earnestly, we will be able to obtain the endorsement of the absolute majority of cadres within the Party for this determination and handling it.

Once matters erupted, it was very clear. They had two main basic slogans, one was overthrowing the Communist Party, another was that the Socialist system must be toppled. Their objective was to establish a completely Western-dependent bourgeois republic. The people demand action against corruption, we naturally accept this. if those people having ulterior motives raise the so-called slogan of anti-corruption, we must also accept this as a good word. Naturally, this slogan serves only as a prop for them, and the core for them is overthrowing the Communist Party and toppling the Socialist system.

During the suppression of this riot, so many of our comrades have been wounded, and even sacrificed themselves, their arms have also been stolen, why is this? It is also because good people and bad people have become confused, resulting in the fact that it was difficult to take on some drastic measures that should have been adopted. Dealing with this incident was a grim political trial for our Army, practice proves that our Liberation Army has passed the examination, if tanks had been used to press their way through, it might have created an ignorance of right and wrong around the entire country. Therefore, I must thank the PLA officers and men that they used this attitude to deal with the riots and incidents. Even though the losses makes one feel heartbroken, the may win the people, and make people not clearly knowing right and wrong change their viewpoint. Let everyone see, what kind of people the PLA actually are, have they not washed Tiananmen with blood, and in the end, whose blood was it? This issue is clear, and it made us seize the initiative. Although the sacrifice of many comrades has made people extremely heartbroken, but objectively analysing the process of the incident people cannot but recognize that the PLA is an army made up of the sons and brothers of the people. This also helps in letting the people understand the methods that we have adopted in this struggle, in the future, if the PLA meets with problems and adopts measures, it will gain the support of the people. Here, it is convenient to say that in the future, we cannot let the people take away weapons. In short, this is a test, and the examination has been passed. Although there aren’t many old comrades in the army anymore, and the soldiers are mostly babies of 18, 19 or 20 years old, they are still the true sons and brothers of the people. In the front of mortal danger, they haven’t forgotten the people, they haven’t forgotten the lessons of the people, have not forgotten the interests of the country, and have not flinched in the face of death. They went to die fervently, met their deaths like heroes, they are fully worthy. When I say that they passed the test, it means that the army are still the sons and brothers of the people, they qualify for this characterization. This army still has the tradition of our old red army. What they underwent was truly a political pass, and pass of life and death, it was not easy! This demonstrates that the sons and brothers of the people truly are the iron and steel Great Wall of the Party and the country. This demonstrates that, regardless of however great the damage we sustain is, and no matter how it is renewed and updated, this Army of ours will eternally be an army under the leadership of the Party, will forever be the protector of the country, will forever be the protector of Socialism, and will forever be the protector of the People’s interest, they are the most loveable people! At the same time, we will never forget this: our enemies are so fierce and savage, they deserve not a percept of an apology.

This incident’s eruption merits our thinking, and stimulates us to soberly consider matters for a while, and think about the future. Perhaps, this bad thing may bring us to stabilize and improve our pace in reform and opening up, even to the point that it may increase in speed, it may make us correct or mistakes more rapidly, make us develop our strong points better. Today, I could not discuss this at length, I only raise this point.

The first question: are the line, principles and policies formulated at the 3rd Plenum of the 11th Party congress, including the “trilogy” of our development strategy, correct or not? Is it so that, because this turmoil happened, problems occurred with the correctness of the line, principles and policies that we formulated? Are our objectives “leftist” objectives? Do we still need to continue using them as the objectives of our struggle in the future? These great questions must be clearly and affirmatively answered. Our first and repeated objective has been completed; our second and repeated objective will be completed according to plan within twenty years; another fifty years into the future, we must reach the level of a middle-developed country, a growth rate of two-odd per cent will suffice. This is our strategic objective. To this end, I think that what we made was not a “leftist” judgement, and what we formulated was not an overly extreme objective. Because of this, the answer to the first question should be said to be that the strategic objectives that we formulated can, at least, not be said to have failed now. After sixty-one years, a country of 1.5 billion people will achieve middle-developed country levels, this is an extraordinary matter. Realizing such an objective should be achievable. We cannot say that this strategic objective is mistaken because this incident occurred.

The second question: is the Party’s summary at the 13th Congress of “one centre, two basic points” correct? The two basic points, being the Four Cardinal Principles and reform and opening up, are they mistaken? I have continuously been thinking over this question recently. We have not made mistakes. There are no mistakes in the Four Cardinal Principles themselves, if it is said that there are mistakes, it is that we have insufficiently consistently persisted in the Four Cardinal Principles, and have not made them into a basic ideology to educate the people, educate students and teach the whole body of cadres and Communist Party members. The nature of this incident is the opposition between bourgeois liberalization and the Four Cardinal Principles. The Four Cardinal Principles, ideological and political work, opposing bourgeois liberalization, opposing spiritual pollution, it isn’t that we haven’t talked about it, but we have lacked consistency, we haven’t acted, and we have even talked very little about it. The mistake does not lie with the Four Cardinal Principles themselves, but the mistakes lies in the fact that we have not sufficiently consistently persisted in them, and that education, ideological and political work have been too poor. On New Year’s Day of 1980, I spoke at the CPPCC, and talked about the “Four Guarantees”. One item among them was called “the creative spirit in arduous struggle”. Arduous struggle is our tradition, education on hard work and plain living must be grasped in the future, we must consistently grasp it for sixty to seventy years. The more our country develops, the more we grasp arduous creation. Advocating an arduous creative sprit also helps with overcoming the phenomenon of corruption. Since founding the nation, we have always put the emphasis on arduous creation, in later days, when matters became a bit better, we advocated high consumption, consequently, the phenomenon of waste spread in all areas, adding to this a weakening in ideological and political work, the fact that the legal system is not complete, the phenomena of violation of law and discipline, corruption, etc., they all came out. I said to foreigners that the biggest mistake of the decade was education, here, I mainly talk about ideological and political education, I don’t purely talk about schools and young students, we also lack education for the people. There is little education concerning arduous creation, concerning what kind of country China is, and what kind of country we must change it into. This is a very big mistake of ours.

Is this basic point of reform and opening up mistaken? It is not a mistake. Without reform and opening up, how could there be a today? In this decade, people’s living standards have seen a relatively large rise, it should be said that when we came onto the stage, even though currency inflation and other problems occurred, the results of a decade of reform and opening up must be fully appraised. Naturally, during reform and opening up, it is inevitable that there will be many bad influences from the West that come in, we have never insufficiently estimated this. When establishing the special economic zones in the beginning of the Eighties, I talked with comrades in Guangdong about how we must grasp with two hands, with one hand, we must grasp reform and opening up, and with the other hand, we must strictly grasp attacking economic crime, including grasping ideological and political work. This is dialectical thinking. But when looking back today, it has emerged that efforts were clearly insufficient, one hand was relatively strong, the other hand relatively soft. A strong hand and a soft hand are not balanced, and do not cooperate well. Talking about this point may have some advantages to our formulation of principles and policies in the future. Furthermore, we must continue to persist in the coordination and integration of the planned economy and the market, this cannot change. In real work, during the period of adjustment, we may strengthen either the planning side a bit, or let the market adjust matters a bit more at another time, flexibly managing matters. In the future, we will still integrate the planned economy with market adjustment. The important thing is that we must absolutely may not make China into a closed country. The method of implementing closed policies is not beneficial to us in the slightest, even information does not circulate. Now, I do not talk about the importance of information, but it is, in fact, very important. If the people doing management don’t have information, it is as if their nose is blocked, and their eyes and ears don’t work. Again, we can absolutely not return to the ways of the past, and kill the economy. I put forward this suggestion, and request the Standing Committee to research it. This is also a relatively pressing matter, and an issue that must be fully engaged.

This is a summary of our past ten years. All our basic slogans, from development strategy to principles and policies, including reform and opening up, are correct. To say that this is not enough, means that we have not reformed and opened up sufficiently. The difficulties that we meet during reform are greater in number than the difficulties met during opening up. In the area of political structural reform, there is one point that can be confirmed, which is that we must persist in implementing the People’s Congress system, and we cannot adopt a US-style tripartite separation of power structure. In fact, Western countries also not all implement the system of a tripartite separation of powers. The US scold us for suppressing the students, but in their dealing with domestic campus uprisings and riots, did they also not send the police and the military, did they also not arrest people and shed blood? They suppress students and the people, and we have suppressed a counterrevolutionary riot. Which qualifications do they have to criticize us! In the future, when dealing with this sort of issues, we must pay attention to the fact that we must not allow a riot to spread once it emerges.

What will we do in the future? I say that we must continue to implement the line, principles and policies that we formulated in the past, and unwaveringly continue to implement them. Apart from a few cases where language must be changed, the basic line, basic principles and basic policies do not change. This issue has already been put forward, everyone is requested to earnestly ponder over this. As for some methods, such as investment orientation, funding use orientation, etc., I endorse strengthening primary industries and agriculture. The primary industries are nothing other than the raw and semi finished materials sectors, transportation, energy, etc., we must strengthen investment in these areas, we must persist in rather owing debt and continue to strengthen them over the next ten to twenty years. This is also opening up, in this area, we must be a bit more courageous, there cannot be too big mistakes. Make a bit more electricity, lay a bit more railroads, roads, and shipping, and we will be able do many things. In steel, foreigners have judged that we will need 120 million tonnes in the future, now, we are close to 60 million tonnes, are still down by half. If change occurs in the basis for enterprises now, and we will add 20 million tonnes, we can import less steel. Borrow a bit of foreign capital and use it in these areas, this is also called reform and opening up. The problem at the moment isn’t whether or not the policy of reform and opening up is correct or not, and whether to do it or not, but it is how to do it, which areas are opened up and which areas are closed.

We must unwaveringly persist the lines, principles and policies formulated since the 3rd Plenum of the 11th Party Congress, we must earnestly summarize experiences, the correct ones must be continuously maintained, mistakes must be corrected, what is insufficient must be given a bit more vigour. In short, we must summarize the present and look to the future.

Using this opportunity, this is what I want to say.

在接见首都戒严部队军以上干部时的讲话
邓小平

(一九八九年六月九日)
同志们辛苦了!

首先,我对在这场斗争中英勇牺牲的解放军指战员、武警指战员和公安干警的同志们表示沉痛的哀悼!对在这场斗争中负伤的几千名解放军指战员、武警指战员和公安干警的同志们表示亲切的慰问!对所有参加这场斗争的解放军指战员、武警指战员和公安干警的同志们致以亲切的问候!

我提议,大家起立,为死难的烈士们默哀!

利用这个机会,我讲几句话。

这场风波迟早要来。这是国际的大气候和中国自己的小气候所决定了的,是一定要来的,是不以人们的意志为转移的,只不过是迟早的问题,大小的问题。而现在来,对我们比较有利。最有利的是,我们有一大批老同志健在,他们经历的风波多,懂得事情的利害关系,他们是支持对暴乱采取坚决行动的。虽然有一些同志一时还不理解,但最终是会理解的,会支持中央这个决定的。

《人民日报》四月二十六日社论,把问题的性质定为动乱。“动乱”这两个字恰如其分,一些人反对的就是这两个字,要修改的也是这两个字。实践证明,这个判断是准确的。后来事态进一步发展到反革命暴乱,也是必然的。我们有一批老同志健在,包括军队,也有一批各个时期参加革命的骨干还在,因此,事情现在爆发,处理起来比较容易。处理这一事件的主要难点在于,我们从来没有遇到过这种情况,一小撮坏人混杂在那么多青年学生和围观的群众中间,阵线一时分不清楚,使我们许多应该采取的行动难以出手。如果没有我们党这么多老同志支持,甚至连事件的性质都难以确定。一些同志不了解问题的性质,认为这只是单纯的对待群众的问题,实际上,对方不只是一些是非不分的群众,还有一批造反派和大量的社会渣滓。他们是要颠覆我们的国家,颠覆我们的党,这是问题的实质。不懂得这个根本问题,就是性质不清楚。我相信,经过认真做工作,能取得党内绝大多数同志对定性和处理的拥护。

事情一爆发出来,就很明确。他们的根本口号主要是两个,一是要打倒共产党,一是要推翻社会主义制度。他们的目的是要建立一个完全西方附庸化的资产阶级共和国。人民要求反腐败,我们当然接受。那些别有用心的人提出的所谓反腐败的口号,我们也要当好话来接受。当然,这个口号仅仅是他们的一个陪衬,而其核心是打倒共产党,推翻社会主义制度。

这次平息暴乱中,我们那么多同志负了伤,甚至牺牲了,武器也被抢去了,这是为什么?也是因为好人坏人混杂在一起,使我们有些应该采取的断然措施难于出手。处理这件事对我们军队是一次很严峻的政治考验,实践证明,我们的解放军考试合格,如果用坦克压过去,就会在全国造成是非不清。所以,我要感谢解放军指战员用这种态度来对待暴乱事件。尽管损失是令人痛心的,但可以赢得人民,使是非不明的人改变观点。让大家看看,解放军究竟是什么人,有没有血洗天安门,流血的到底是谁。这个问题清楚了,就使我们取得了主动。虽然牺牲了许多同志非常令人痛心,但客观地分析事件的过程,人们就不得不承认,解放军是人民的子弟兵。这也有助于人民理解在这场斗争中我们所采取的方法,今后解放军遇到问题,采取措施,就都可以得到人民的支持了。这里顺便说一下,以后再不能让人把武器夺去了。总之,这是一个考验,考试是合格的。虽然军队里老同志不是很多了,战士们大都是十八、九岁、二十岁出头的娃娃,但他们仍然是真正的人民子弟兵。在生命危险面前,他们没有忘记人民,没有忘记党的教导,没有忘记国家利益,面对死亡毫不含糊。慷慨赴死,从容就义,他们当之无愧。我讲考试合格,就是指军队仍然是人民子弟兵,这个性质合格。这个军队还是我们的老红军的传统。这次过的是真正的政治关、生死关,不容易呀!这表明,人民子弟兵真正是党和国家的钢铁长城。这表明,不管我们受到多么大的损失,不管如何更新换代,我们这个军队永远是党领导下的军队,永远是国家的捍卫者,永远是社会主义的捍卫者,永远是人民利益的捍卫者,是最可爱的人!同时,我们永远也不要忘记,我们的敌人是多么凶残,对他们,连百分之一的原谅都不应有。

这次事件爆发出来,很值得我们思索,促使我们很冷静地考虑一下过去,也考虑一下未来。也许这件坏事会使我们改革开放的步子迈得更稳、更好,甚至于更快,使我们的失误纠正得更快,使我们的长处发扬得更好。今天我不可能展开来讲,只是提出一个课题。

第一个问题,党的十一届三中全会制定的路线方针政策,包括我们发展战略的“三部曲”,正确不正确?是不是因为发生了这次动乱,我们制定的路线方针政策的正确性就发生了问题?我们的目标是不是一个“左”的目标?是否还要继续用它作为我们今后奋斗的目标?这些大的问题,必须作出明确、肯定的回答。我们第一个翻一番的目标已经完成了;第二个翻一番的目标计划用十二年完成;再往后五十年,要达到一个中等发达国家的水平,增长速度为百分之二点几就够了。这就是我们的战略目标。对此,我想我们做出的不是一个“左”的判断,制定的也不是一个过急的目标。因此,对第一个问题的回答,应当说,我们所制定的战略目标,现在至少不能说是失败的。在六十一年后,一个十五亿人口的国家,达到中等发达国家的水平,是了不起的事情。实现这样一个目标,应该是能够做到的。不能因为这次事件的发生,就说我们的战略目标错了。

第二个问题,党的十三大概括的“一个中心、两个基本点”对不对?两个基本点,即四个坚持和改革开放,是不是错了?我最近总在想这个问题。我们没有错。四个坚持本身没有错,如果说有错误的话,就是坚持四项基本原则还不够一贯,没有把它作为基本思想来教育人民,教育学生,教育全体干部和共产党员。这次事件的性质,就是资产阶级自由化和四个坚持的对立。四个坚持、思想政治工作、反对资产阶级自由化、反对精神污染,我们不是没有讲,而是缺乏一贯性,没有行动,甚至讲得都很少。不是错在四个坚持本身,而是错在坚持得不够一贯,教育和思想政治工作太差。一九八○年元旦,我在政协讲话,讲了“四个保证”,其中有一条叫“艰苦奋斗的创业精神”。艰苦奋斗是我们的传统,艰苦朴素的教育今后要抓紧,一直要抓六十至七十年。我们的国家越发展,越要抓艰苦创业。提倡艰苦创业精神,也有助于克服腐败现象。建国以来我们一直在讲艰苦创业,后来日子稍微好一点,就提倡高消费,于是,各方面的浪费现象蔓延,加上思想政治工作薄弱、法制不健全,什么违法乱纪和腐败现象等等,都出来了。我对外国人讲,十年最大的失误是教育,这里我主要是讲思想政治教育,不单纯是对学校、青年学生,是泛指对人民的教育。对于艰苦创业,对于中国是个什么样的国家,将要变成一个什么样的国家,这种教育都很少,这是我们很大的失误。

改革开放这个基本点错了没有?没有错。没有改革开放,怎么会有今天?这十年人民生活水平有较大提高,应该说我们上了一个台阶,尽管出现了通货膨胀等问题,但十年改革开放的成绩要充分估计够。当然,改革开放必然会有西方的许多坏的影响进来,对此,我们从来没有估计不足。八十年代初建立经济特区时,我与广东同志谈,要两手抓,一手要抓改革开放,一手要抓严厉打击经济犯罪,包括抓思想政治工作。就是两点论。但今天回头来看,出现了明显的不足,一手比较硬,一手比较软。一硬一软不相称,配合得不好。讲这点,可能对我们以后制定方针政策有好处。还有,我们要继续坚持计划经济与市场调节相结合,这个不能改。实际工作中,在调整时期,我们可以加强或者多一点计划性,而在另一个时候多一点市场调节,搞得更灵活一些。以后还是计划经济与市场调节相结合。重要的是,切不要把中国搞成一个关闭性的国家。实行关闭政策的做法对我们极为不利,连信息都不灵通。现在不是讲信息重要嘛,确实很重要。做管理工作的人没有信息,就是鼻子不通,耳目不灵。再是绝不能重复回到过去那样,把经济搞得死死的。我提出的这个建议,请常委研究。这也是个比较急迫的问题,总要接触的问题。

这是总结我们过去十年。我们的一些基本提法,从发展战略到方针政策,包括改革开放,都是对的。要说不够,就是改革开放得还不够。我们在改革中遇到的难题比在开放中遇到的难题要多。在政治体制改革方面,有一点可以肯定,就是我们要坚持实行人民代表大会的制度,而不是美国式的三权鼎立制度。实际上,西方国家也并不都是实行三权鼎立式的制度。美国骂我们镇压学生,他们处理国内学潮和骚乱,还不是出动了警察和军队,还不是抓人、流血?他们是镇压学生和人民,而我们则是平息反革命暴乱。他们有什么资格批评我们!今后,在处理这类问题的时候,倒是要注意,一个动态出现,不要使它蔓延。

以后我们怎么办?我说,我们原来制定的基本路线、方针、政策,照样干下去,坚定不移地干下去。除了个别语言有的需要变动一下,基本路线和基本方针、政策都不变。这个问题已经提出来了,请大家认真考虑一下。至于一些做法,如投资方向、资金使用方向等,我赞成加强基础工业和农业。基础工业,无非是原材料工业、交通、能源等,要加强这方面的投资,要坚持十到二十年,宁肯欠债,也要加强。这也是开放,在这方面,胆子要大一些,不会有大的失误。多搞一点电,多搞一点铁路、公路、航运,能办很多事情。钢,外国人判断我们将来需要一亿二千万吨,现在我们接近六千万吨,还差一半。如果在现有企业的基础上加以改造,增加两千万吨,就可少进口钢材。借点外债用在这些方面,也叫改革开放。现在的问题不是改革开放政策对不对,搞不搞,而是如何搞,开哪方面,关哪方面。

要坚定不移地执行党的十一届三中全会以来制定的一系列路线方针政策,要认真总结经验,对的要继续坚持,失误的要纠正,不足的要加点劲。总之,要总结现在,看到未来。

利用这个机会,我就讲这一点。

 

One thought on “Speech when Receiving the Capital Martial Law Army Troop-Level or Higher Cadres

    […] Read the complete speech here: Speech when Receiving the Capital Martial Law Army Troop-Level or Higher Cadres […]

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