Red Culture: The Spiritual Backbone of the Chinese

This article was originally published in Red Flag Manuscripts on 24 September.

Liu Runwei

What is Chinese red culture?

Everyone knows that, in study and daily life, it seems as if we can come into contact with words or things such as these: red flag, red songs, red five stars, red films, red tourism, putting on red flowers, etc. From this, it is not difficult to understand that red culture is a sort of cultural category where colour symbolises its intrinsic nature. Speaking from the angle of optics, red is the colour of the long wave of the visible spectrum, at a wavelength of about 630 to 750 nm. Because it is similar to the colour of fresh human blood, the Chinese people have often endowed with symbolic meanings such as hope, enthusiasm, courage, creation, struggle, sacrifice, etc. This specific colour and its symbolic meanings have coincidentally formed an extraordinary perfect “isomorphic” relationship with the common ideals, moral sentiments and spiritual disposition of our Party and people. The thoughts and language of the Chinese people is good at using “rhetoric”, and consequently, people call the advanced culture that has been created through the process of the Chinese Communist Party’s leading the people of all ethnicities in the entire country in a long period of reform, construction and reform, with Sinified Marxism at the core, concisely “red culture”. Obviously, this concept itself is a magnificent cultural creation of the popular masses!

It should be said that in comparison with terms that we regularly use such as revolutionary culture, war of resistance culture, liberated areas culture, new democratic culture, Socialist culture, etc., red culture has a broader connotation. Among a number of comrades, as soon as China’s red culture is mentioned, it is only associated with Shanghai, Jiaxing, Nanchang, Jinggangshan, Yan’an and Xibaipo, in fact, this is an incomplete understanding, because that is only historical red culture. The red culture we talk about not only can be traced back to history, or includes the present, it also extends into the future. This is a culture that presents a splendid sight, which has emerged through historical eras on a great scale. Its upper limit must be traced back to the historical period in which Marxism-Leninism was introduced to China on the eve of the May Fourth New Culture movement. The sound of October Revolution bombs rent the air, and brought us Marxism-Leninism. From the victory of the Russian people, the Chinese people saw a hope to realize the rejuvenation of the nation. After a while, Socialism became a hot word in Chinese society. Even so, not all people talking about Socialism at that time were creators of Chinese red culture, and not all writings involving Socialism were fountainheads of Chinese red culture. For example, Liang Qichao and Zhang Dongsun from the Study Clique and Wang Yitang from the Peace and Prosperity Clique, the opportunistic politician Jiang Kanghu, and the reactionary warlord Cheng Jiongming all talked about Socialism. But these were either empty echoes, or separated in spirit although looking the same, or a start that fell flat, and there is no relationship of inheritance whatsoever with the Chinese red culture that was formed afterwards. There are two kinds of people that can truly be called the creators of Chinese red culture: the first are representatives of advanced Chinese intellectuals of that time, who afterwards became the first leaders of the CCP, such as Li Dazhao, Chen Duxiu, etc.; the second are Chinese workers who returned from Russia. There are two kinds of works that can be called the source of Chinese red culture: the first are written or spoken by advanced intellectuals, such as Li Dazhao’s “The Victory of the Common People” and “The Victory of Bolshevism”, Chen Duxiu’s “Where is Justice”, etc.; the second are oral narrations by workers returning from Russia about the victory of the “poor people’s Party” in Russia, among the toiling masses. As for the lower limit of Chinese red culture, at present, a correct estimation cannot be made, but it can be inferred that even after the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation has been achieved, it will continue into endless days. This is the most glorious and resplendent culture in Chinese history and will inevitably become even more glorious and resplendent, this is the cultural peak of human history that has won people’s souls and will inevitably win people’s souls even more! A future is opening up, and even if humankind comets to a stage of Communism where classes wither away and nations wither away, it will be a majestic cultural monument of humankind’s march towards the true, the good and the beautiful, and will stand tall for all generations. In front of this monument, posterity will spill hot tears of emotion and respect.

Chinese red culture is not a spirit that leaps out from within stones, and it is not an extra-terrestrial guest that came down from imagination. Its emergence and development has profound cultural sources and social sources. There are three cultural sources:

The first is the advanced culture that emerged from the International Socialist Movement. The core of this sort of advanced culture was undoubtedly Marxism-Leninism, and especially the historical materialism that explained “the enigma of history” as well as the scientific Socialist theory that revealed the capitalist secret theory of surplus value and bade farewell to fantasy. Outside of the core, there is the proletarian culture created by Communist Party members in various countries and other revolutionaries. After the “Internationale” was translated for our country in the beginning of the 20th Century, it became a strong pillar for Chinese revolutionaries’ selfless struggle for ideals. When the Chinese Soviet Republic was established in 1931, it made it into the national anthem, making the depth of its influence on the early CCP visible. Its retranslator Qu Qiubai as well as many other revolutionary martyrs all marched to the execution ground singing this song. Even in the present, where the smoke of gunpowder has dissipated, whenever we hear that solemn and profound melody, we still cannot help burning with righteous indignation and shedding a few tears.  Fucik’s essay “Report from Under the Gallows” continues to profoundly move, educate and inspire the sons and daughters of China. Its warning, “people, I love you. You must be vigilant”, returns to our ears as a morning bell and an evening drum.

The second is China’s excellent traditional culture (including folk culture). In terms of institutional arrangements, the “Book of Rights” put forward that “the world is a common weal”, and “there are caring and protection for the aged until their last day; there is appropriate employment for the able-bodied; and there are nourishment and education for the children and youth. There is kindness and compassion for the widows and widowers, for the orphans, for the childless and for all who find themselves alone in the world, as well as for the disabled and sick.” In the abstract sense, this sort of thinking has a deep inherent unity with the ideals of Communism. To a certain degree, Marxism was able to be disseminated in China and to become increasingly Sinified, because it relied on this cultural background. In terms of foreign affairs, “Mozi” advocated that “a large country does not attack a small country, a large family does not usurp a small family, the strong do not plunder the weak, and the wealthy are not arrogant over the mean.” It is not difficult to see that this is the traditional cultural basis for the Chinese government’s putting forward the five fundamental principles of peaceful coexistence. In terms of the relationship between humans and nature, the “Book of Changes” put forward the principle that “the sovereign, fashions and completes his regulations after the courses of heaven and earth, and assists the application of the adaptations furnished by them”. It is very clear that this is an important ideological source for our Party’s ecologic civilization construction. As for Chinese Communist Party members and other advanced elements, they have merged the excellent moral character and spirit of the Chinese nation into their own blood, where it became a driver for their valiant struggle. In the darkest the dark times, true revolutionaries don’t have to worry about losing their heads. The high spirits of Zixu preserved, they will come back for a successful revenge against the King of Chu in three years.” This is a song that was sung by the revolutionary martyr Yang Chao when he died in 1927. The heroic spirit of Zixu rose to the lofty plane of avenging the popular masses, this is the inheritance and development of traditional Chinese culture by the Chinese Communist Party.

The third is global excellent culture. The Communist Party member Bai Mang ardently loved the great Hungarian poet and heroic warrior in the European revolution of 1848, Petöfi, and translated quite a few of his work. After Bai Mang, Rou Shi and the other five martyrs of the Left-Wing Coalition of writers were murdered, Lu Xun painstakingly and completely brought Petöfi’s exhorting poem “Freedom and Love” into his text “Remember to Forget”, implicitly telling the truth of the five martyrs dying for the sake of the people’s freedom and liberation, and placing his hope on the feelings of reverence towards them. The famous writer Li Erzhong’s monumental work “New War and Peace”, themed along the War of Resistance, not only consciously borrowed from Tolstoy in its creative and structural aspects, but even the name of the book reveals that it is a successor to “War and Peace”. After entering the new era, Foucault’s “power-knowledge” theory, Saïd’s “Orientalism”, etc., all provided nutrients and assistance to enriching and developing our cultural theory.

Who says that Chinese Communist Party members and the Chinese People are fossilized and conservative? When taking a broad look at the development history of Chinese red culture, it can be said with a clear conscience that Chinese Communist Party members and the Chinese people are the excellent inheritors and developers of an outstanding culture among all of humankind.

There is one social origin for this, which is that the Chinese Communist Party led the people of all ethnicities in the entire country to conduct the magnificent practice of revolution, construction and reform. Where the development and flourishing of Chinese red culture is concerned, this origin is more fundamentally important than other cultural origins. All cultural inheritance and learning must be united around this magnificent practice. Practice is the discriminator, we can separate which culture must be brought in and which culture must be rejected on the basis of need; practice is a manufactory, it can transform and manufacture culture that is brought in, to form new cultural patterns. Marxism-Leninism is a science, but only if it is integrated with Chinese reality, can it become a guideline to guide China’s revolution, construction and reform. Using dogma in a one-size-fits-all manner, like Wang Ming, using mere books to tailor China’s revolutionary reality can only result in harm to China’s revolution as well as harm to Marxism-Leninism. When he described the Chinese Revolution,  Stavrianos said: “From the beginning, Mao Zedong was an acute observer of social reality. This was not only because he had grown up in a peasant household, but also because he lived together with peasants, and struggled for them almost his entire life. This sort of deep knowledge of the hardships of the people and the live experience of living among the common people for a long time, enabled him in the end to acutely understand that it was necessary to Sinify Marxism, and adapt it to the situation and needs of the millions of people that had hitherto been overlooked in China.” The formation of Mai Zedong Thought was the basic project of Sinifying Marxism. Exactly because it had this firm basis, it was possible to form Socialism with Chinese characteristics, this new result of the Sinification of Marxism, under new historical circumstances and new social practice. Practice is developing, and culture also develops incessantly following developments in practice, but the development of culture and practice is not simply a synchronized relationship. High tides and victories of practice require fostering a new culture; low tides and defeats in practice do not bring about the shrivelling or withering away of culture. In 1927, as the reactionary Guomindang clique under Chiang Kai-shek’s leadership started their counterrevolutionary coup, and engaged in frenzied military suppression and cultural suppression of the Chinese Communist Party members and revolutionary masses, China’s revolution entered a low tied. Even so, it was in this time that Chinese Communist Party members, with Mao Zedong as representative, created the scientific theories of encircling the cities from the countryside and of seizing political power through arms, revolutionary martyrs and idealists left magnificent poems and stories that move people’s hearts, revolutionary writers in the Guomindang-controlled areas, represented by Lu Xun, created a batch of famous writings handed down through the times, and the revolutionary bases’ red songs developed and flourished unprecedently. This was because the lower the tide became, and the more defeats were suffered, the more it was necessary to innovate theoretical guidance and spiritual support. From the sprouts of Chinese red culture until today, there has been nearly a century of circumstances. Looking back, the practice of the revolution, construction and reform are bumpy and uneven, but red culture is a path full of fresh flowers, which eyes cannot all take in.

Chinese red culture is a system with a complex structure and a huge scale. Analysing the structure of this system can be done through many angles and methods. For example, when looking at it historically, there is new democratic culture and Socialist culture; when looking at the general cultural structures, there is material culture, mental culture, institutional culture and behavioural culture; when looking at it scientifically, there is philosophy, economics, politics, theory, Party building, history, news, literature, art, and so on, there are numerous ways. But, analysing its ideological structure is an even more fundamental work, I’m afraid. In this area, the newest expression that is rich in its generality is the Socialist core value system. Within this, the guiding ideology, Marxism, is the soul. Marxism here mainly refers to Sinified Marxism, it is the most magnificent achievement obtained through a century of arduous construction of Chinese red culture. The common ideal of Socialism with Chinese characteristics is the main theme. This common ideal in fact is the Chinese dream of realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. It is a world wonder of scientific Socialism on the Chinese mainland that is currently being created and is finally about to be completed, and it is a stage-type historical task that the Chinese Communist Party members and the Chinese people must undertake in moving forward the magnificent undertaking of Communism. The spirit of the nation with patriotism at the core and the spirit of the time with reform and innovation at the core is the quintessence. Every step forward in China’s revolution, construction and reform, every development of Chinese red culture, is a victory of the spirit of innovation, and is a magnificent flower growing out of the spirit of patriotism. Without these two kinds of spirit, there would be no Sinification of Marxism, there would not be the spirit of the Red Ship, there would be no Jinggangshan spirit, Yan’an spirit, Yimeng spirit, Xibaipo spirit, anti-US and pro-Korea spirit, Daqing spirit, spaceflight spirit, flood-fighting spirit, earthquake relief spirit, etc. The Socialist view of honour and disgrace is the basis. As a moral standard, it has accumulated profound historical content and real content. “Beheading means nothing, as long as the ism is true”; “I despise I did not die resisting Japan, that I remain today shames me”; “The good 8th Company, famous across the land … resisting corruption, and never being stained, “altruists from head to toe, a bright example for the whole Milky Way”… It can be seen from the above few examples that glory and greatness grow from action. From this, it can be confirmed that the millions of Communist Party members and popular masses are the first creators and faithful practitioners of the Socialist view of glory and dishonour. The above four areas are mutually influencing, mutually penetrating, and mutually interacting, they form a united whole, and thereby scientifically and completely reveal the fundamental characteristics of Chinese red culture.

Chinese red culture is the spiritual garden of the Chinese people, it is the happiness of the Chinese people’s eternal farewell to suffering, and is a strong spiritual driver and ideological guarantee to create a glorious future.

Why must we carry Chinese red culture forward?

Sincerely speaking, regardless of how complex and changeable domestic and international circumstances are, we have not even for a day suspended the work of carrying Chinese red culture forward. Even so, it must be seen that this work is clearly more urgent today than at any time in the past.

After the tremendous changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in the Eighties and Nineties of last century, the global Socialist movement entered a low tide, and the myth that capitalism would remain forever and that world history had come to an end filled the air in the entire world for a while. Exactly at this time where ten thousand flowers were withering away, Socialist China resembled a large tree that remained standing independently, it resisted storms coming from all sides, it won glory for scientific Socialism and preserved a flame of hope for the future of humankind with its arduous practice of persisting in scientific Socialism and developing scientific Socialism. More than twenty years have passed, and the contention between Socialism and capitalism has again entered a new historical stage. Capitalism’s energy for self-adjustment seems to be nearly exhausted, and there is no more flourishing and grandeur in the development process of capitalism, the basic contradictions of capitalism have intensified again, and capitalist economies are facing the eruption of a global crisis again. even the US scholar Francis Fukuyama no longer believes in the myth of the “end of history” that he was preaching in those years, in the beginning of 2011, he stated that “Ten years ago, on the eve of the puncturing of the dotcom bubble, the US held the high ground. Its democracy was widely emulated, if not always loved; its technology was sweeping the world; and lightly regulated “Anglo-Saxon” capitalism was seen as the wave of the future. The US managed to fritter away that moral capital in remarkably short order: the Iraq war and the close association it created between military invasion and democracy promotion tarnished the latter, while the Wall Street financial crisis put paid to the idea that markets could be trusted to regulate themselves.” As for the response of the people, that was even stronger. In September 2011, the US Fox News published a public opinion poll that shocked the world: 74% of citizens believed that the US political system had already collapsed. A clear contrast to the capitalist depression that took shape was the flourishing development of Socialist China. This was not only reflected in the area of huge economic achievements, but also manifested itself in other aspects of institutional superiority. On 16 May 2008, an article in the “New York Times” pointed out after contrasting the success of disaster relief between Chain and the US that “if the Chinese government can deal with natural disasters better than the US government, then the superiority of the Chinese system means that not only a rapidly growing economy can be shown to people around the world, but that effective government abilities can be shown as well.” [Translator’s note: I have tried to find this quote and have been unable to] In correspondence with the waxing and waning of Socialist China and the capitalist world, the balance of soft power is changing as well. Capitalist soft power is decreasing, and Socialist culture’s soft power is increasing, this is a fact that is not denied by even the US right wing scholar Joseph Nye. This is mainly reflected in two aspects: first, the great development of the upsurge of red culture within China, second, the increase of Socialist thinking trends on a global scale and the admiration of Chinese red culture. From “Occupy Wall Street” to “Occupy Washington” and other such movements, elements of Chinese red culture can be seen. Therefore, all of these hugely inspire us to persist in and develop Chinese red culture, and provide beneficial conditions for our further carrying red culture forward.

At the same time, we must also soberly understand that the economic, political and military structure, and the cultural structure in which “the West is strong and we are weak” will still be difficult to fundamentally change for a while. Especially the crisis of the capitalist world and the development of Socialist China inevitably will hugely provoke international capital, and prompt them to intensify their implementation of Westernization and separation strategies. Apart from incessantly scheming to further suppress China’s living space in economic, political and military terms, they conduct ideological and cultural infiltration in a breadth and depth hitherto unseen. Some domestic pro-Western forces form “Holy Alliances” for their own interest, and jointly form unprecedented challenges to Chinese red culture. This is mainly concentrated in the following areas: first, through preaching pluralization of the guiding ideology and the so-called “universal values”, to the extent that they bring in democratic Socialism and Chinese degenerate culture and applaud it, subvert the guiding position of Marxism and especially Sinified Marxism, become spiritual vagrants among the Party and the people, and then convert to Western  “Pure Land” thinking. Second, they preach liberalism, subvert the basic economic system of Socialism, implement thorough privatization, then they strip the private economy’s right to life and right to development away, and remove all barriers for international capital to occupy Chinese resources and markets. Third, they preach the so-called “Constitutionalism”, indiscriminately copy Western multi-party systems, subvert the governing position of the Chinese Communist Party, disintegrate the basic political system of Socialism, and let China become a mere young donkey that only follows the West’s lead. Fourth, they preach the so-called “modern civil society” theory, they scheme to weave new political forces outside of grass-roots Party organizations and governments, and then from small to large, from low to high, consolidate and build an opposition party step by step, which in the end will “covet the throne” of the Chinese Communist Party that holds the governing position. Fifth, they preach the so-called “public intellectual” theory, they build momentum and expand influence through the annual election events, and so sever the natural relationship of responsibility between intellectuals and the motherland, and the people, this creates a doctrinal basis and a public opinion space for the dissemination of mistaken thinking trends by “dissenting” intellectuals. Sixth, they preach the Western news view, and use “Western absolute press freedom” falsehoods to confuse people’s minds, in order to dispel the ideological nature of news, evade the social responsibility of news and deny the principle that the Party manages news, changing news that originally was a positive energy into mouseshit that can spoil an entire pot of soup. Seventh, they preach historical nihilism. “To eliminate a man’s country, one must first remove its history.” To this end, they either distort history by removing its head and tail, or forge history by new-fangled approaches, but embellishing aggression, partiality and selling the country, eulogizing backwardness, blackening heroes and martyrs, slandering the Revolution and denying progress are their uniform principles. Dispelling the history of struggle of the people of all ethnicities of the entire country under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party inevitably will aim the main spearhead at the personified representatives of this history, the older generation of proletarian revolutionaries. Their heaviest of heavies is the leader Mao Zedong, loved and respected by the Party and the people. In order to slander this spiritual pillar of the Chinese people, their methods seemingly go to any length. For example, regardless of whether someone is “leftist” or rightist, regardless of whether someone is Lin Biao or Chiang Kai-shek, as long as they oppose Mao Zedong, they are good people, and are people that are depicted crowned with an aureole, for example, Lin Like’s “little navy” can actually be said to be “a group of people who are prescient about China’s future”. Denying Mao Zedong inevitably means denying the historical basis of the Chinese Communist Party, denying the historical basis of the Chinese Communist Party inevitably means denying the Chinese Communist Party, denying the Chinese Communist Party inevitably means implementing a multi-party system, this is the logic that they don’t plan to tell the people about yet and will never have the chance to tell people about. The comrades can imagine, if on one morning, we would see that this bizarre thing had become the dominant climate, it would indicate that China would have begun to fall back to a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. Any independence of the nation or liberation of the people, any wealth and strength for the country or happiness for the people and all achievements of the struggles of the modern Chinese people would be irrevocably lost, and realizing the Chinese dream of the great rejuvenation of the nation would certainly change into a pipe dream.

The problem is put forward as follows: under such complex and variable domestic and international circumstances, and in the face of large questions of right and wrong relating to the future and destiny of the Party and the country, all unconcerned arguments, shilly-shally arguments, and arguments that drift with the currents are ungrounded. Persisting in red culture, inheriting red culture and carrying forward red culture is a solemn mission entrusted to us by history. If we do not dare to or are unable to fulfil this mission, we will become historical criminals despised by the next generation!

How is Chinese red culture to be carried forward?

Being based on reality, defending history and creating the future are the basic principles and methods of carrying Chinese red culture forward. Within that, being based on reality is central, on one end, it links up to history, and on the other hand, it points towards the future. If real matters are not handled well, history will be proclaimed to be suspended and the future will come to nothing. Being based in reality means that we must start from the present development needs and the popular will, look for entry points to unearth, arrange, research and propagate red culture, let red cultural heritage be recovered and become a positive energy that overwhelms the mountains and the seas, serves the grand development and grand flourishing of Socialist culture, serves the consolidation of the governing position of the Chinese Communist Party, serves the larger picture of Party and State work, and in the final analysis, serves the fundamental interests of the broadest popular masses. History is the basis. If the foundations of a high building are excavated, it will inevitably collapse, if the roots of a large tree are cut off, it will certainly wither and die, this is the complete basis for our putting forward the necessity to defend red history. Here, history no only refers to people and things of the past, it also refers to the sum of all culture created by our Party’s leading the people. Defending history does not mean completely affirming history, but we must have a historical materialist scientific attitude, and affirm the general picture of things that are right, and recognize the partial things that are wrong, in other words, this requires that we defend the essential aspects of red culture. If we would even affirm a number of extreme “leftist” things that happened in history for the sake of defending red culture’s history, the result could only be climbing trees to catch fish, and opposing our own objectives. Creating the future is the objective. Without the great rejuvenation of the nation, and without a Communist society, the struggle of the past and the struggle of the present will not have any value, and we will become lambs who have lost our way, who pace back and forth in a vast wilderness without an idea of what to do. In fact, all struggles of the previous generations were not only just for the sake of today’s moderate prosperity, they were for the sake of thoroughly eliminating the opposition between people and other people, and between nature, and creating a perpetually peaceful and happy world. Grasping this future means we will have the stamina to continue to advance, and we will be able to push Chinese red culture from flourishing to even greater flourishing. Therefore we say that persisting in the communist faith is the basic spiritual quality that red culture workers must have.

Abiding by these basic principles and methods, we may adopt many kinds of methods from different sides and different angles, as input into carrying forward red culture work. Starting from real needs, we shall pay special attention to the following areas.

First, we must be good at using this precious mirror of red cultural heritage. For example, those things about “constitutionalism and democracy”, no one did this in the past. People kept away from this and did not discuss it, only the various political parties who marched “the third way” after victory in the War of Resistance were examples. The so-called “third way” meant demanding the Communist Party to abandon struggle on the one hand, and demanding the Guomindang to open up political power on the other hand, to “realize Euro-American-style democratic politics” in China. What is different with those people who preach “constitutionalism and democracy” today is that the absolute majority among them was sincere and hoped to push China towards progress. But good intentions can be shattered by the merciless reality. From the “One December” murders in November 1945 to the Xiaguan massacre in June 1946, and again to the “18 May” and “20 May” murders of May 1947, the Guomindang reactionary government repeatedly used sinister and ruthless means to attack the democratic parties. Subsequently, they successively closed the Shanghai “Wenhui Daily”, “Xinmin Daily” and “Lianhe Daily”, and arrested democratic personalities on a large scale in Shanghai, Beiping, Tianjin, Wuhan and Chongqing. On 27 October 1947, the Guomindang reactionary government thoroughly ripped apart the mask of renovating politics, and simply declared that the China Democratic League was an illegal organization. The China Democratic League representative Ma Xulun who had been gravely wounded by Guomindang special agents during the Xiaguan massacre, tightly grasped Zhou Enlai’s hand on his sickbed and said: in the past, I always urged you to have a few less soldiers, and have a few less guns, looking at things today, you cannot miss one of your soldiers, one of your guns, or one of your bullets. In January 1948, the Democratic League convened the third plenum of its first committee in Hong Kong, where it declared that it stood on the side of the Communist Party, and would thoroughly overthrow the Guomindang reactionary government, and struggle to the bitter end to build a democratic, peaceful, independent and united New China. These past events enlighten us: in a class society, there are no democratic politics that exceed the class interest. Parties that represent big landlords and the big bourgeois can absolutely not engage in a multi-party system with parties that represent the proletariat of the nation, the petty bourgeoisie, the peasant class and the working class. This is the case in China, this is the case in the US as well. There, who really runs the show are the capital-monopolizing cliques represented by Wall Street financial oligarchs. They can use the Democratic and Republican Parties’ campaigning for office to manufacture a semblance of democracy, but they absolutely do not permit parties of the middle class, the petty bourgeoisie or the working class to come on stage and take power. The “Occupy Wall Street” movement only stirred up trouble for a few days, and the big shots were sitting on pins and needles, they repeatedly sent out warnings to prevent the US Communist Party to come onto the stage and take power. Naturally, China’s political system must reform, but it can only reform in the direction of consolidating the governing position of the Chinese Communist Party, reform in the direction of restoring and strengthening the flesh-and-blood relationship between the Party and the popular masses, and reform in the direction of the people truly being master of their own affairs. In his book “The Challenge of Red China” US journalist Günther Stein minutely narrated the democratic political situation of the “three-three” system that was implemented in Yan’an: on an autumn day in 1944, the in a small meeting room of the Yan’an municipal government, fourteen people held a meeting together with the major. These fourteen people were municipal councillors elected by the Yan’an electorate, among them, there were Communist Party members, ordinary peasants, intellectuals, merchants and liberal-minded gentlemen. The mayor reported on previous work, and put forward an implementation plan for the next half year. The councillors represented the people of all layers in Yan’an, and put forward all sorts of frank criticism and suggestions to the mayor’s earlier work and the plan that was about to be implemented. In the end, the mayor revised the plan according to the councillor’s opinions. Because true democracy was implemented, Yan’an became the cleanest and highest-efficiency government in the Far East. After seeing masses of such things with his own eyes, Günther Stein emotionally wrote that: the Chinese Communist Party “has built an administrative structure that does not constitute a heavy burden on the people and at the same time dares to undertake major tasks, namely a government that emerges from among the people, is elected through democratic means and is responsible to them.” It is very clear that this sort of sincere attitude to implement popular democracy and the spirit of creating a democratic system on the basis of historical condition will never go out of date. We must do this, make red cultural heritage into a mirror, penetrate through the gorgeous outer coat woven from lies by of all sorts of anti-Marxist thinking trends, and restore the true features of the rush of international capital to them, and at the same time clarify the direction for progress and draw further strength and wisdom from this.

Second, we must have grace and magnanimity with regard to red culture. Grace and magnanimity are the clear style of Chinese red culture. Grace means having well thought out plans, acting calmly and without hurry. Insults and threats absolutely do not constitute a struggle, flustering and frustration only serve to show shallowness. In the cultural struggle, mature Chinese red culture workers always display a natural, unrestrained and certain attitude of “between talking and laughing, letting masts and oars disappear into the dust”. They rely on their nobility of the morality of the subjects of practice, the wealth of cultural power and on the excellence of their struggle skill. On this aspect, the Central Documentary Research Institute researcher Zhang Suhua has provided a good model for us. In recent years, some media have spread that in 1950, Mao Zedong himself added “Long Live Mao Zedong” when checking and approving the “May Day Slogans”, and from this derived the conclusion that “actually, Mao himself wanted people to shout ‘Long Live Mao Zedong’, this slogan that was shouted by hundreds of millions of people for decades.” In the face of these untrue words, Zhang Suhua was not anxious about expressing righteous indignation, and he attentively went to consult the original dossiers of the “May Day slogans” drafted by the Centre that year and other materials, and wrote an article afterwards pointing out that “Mao Zedong did not add ‘Long Live Mao Zedong’ to the ‘May Day slogans'”. This slogan emerged in 1943, it was shouted out by Wu Manyou, Zhao Zhankui and 45 other worker heroes in the Shaan-Gan-Ning border area. The whole article was succinct and not written in an ornate style, its writing style was gentle, its tone moderate, but even so, it had a fighting strength heavier than a thousandweight. Magnanimity means that we must have a broad mind and a noble vision, this is the way in which the public-minded and selfless character of the Chinese Communist Party is manifested in culture. We must see that following the deep development of global multipolarization and economic globalization, the interactions and clashes between all sorts of ideologies and cultures are becoming more frequent on a global scale; and the deep reform of the domestic economic structure, the deep adjustment of patterns of interests, the deep changes in ideological concepts will inevitably lead to the independence, selectivity, variability and differences of people’s ideological activities becoming more prominent every day, the plurality and variability of ideology and culture is an indisputable fact. In the fact of such a complex cultural structure, we can neither lose principles and standpoints, nor can we follow the example of Russia’s “proletarian cultural faction”, see all non-red culture as inimical, close the door to seek a living for itself. People with different principles will not make common cause, but when principles are similar, a common cause can be made. We must, like the older generation, be good at all kind of all kinds of healthy and progressive cultural cooperation, form a united front opposing degenerate and regressive culture, and create more opportunity and open up a broader space for the development and flourishing Socialist culture. We must, like the older generation, have the daring to embrace the whole country, the force to renew ourselves, the attitude to be sharp and flexible, catch, differentiate and accept cultural information from all times and all countries, in order to nourish and expand our Socialist culture. Within this, cultures that are inimical to Socialist culture are included. For example, liberalism is a bad thing, but does it not contain things that merit our study? The answer is affirmative. Since the Great Depression that occurred in capitalist economies during the Thirties of the previous century, and especially after WWII, Keynesianism held the advantage, and neoliberalism got bogged down in an awkward predicament, but a batch of core members led by Hayek are not resigned to lose, in 1947, he organized the Mount Pelerin society, on the one hand, this adjusted itself, on the other hand it waited for an opportune moment, and by the Eighties and Nineties of the past century, it freed itself and realized the “anti-Keynesian counterrevolution”, afterwards, the huge changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe became a battle honour for international capitalism (naturally, their good times did not last long, this is to be told later). It faced forty years of adverse circumstances with fortitude, at least, this tenacious energy is something that we should study. In short, in terms of breadth of mind and magnanimity, we must strive to do better than the older generation, at least, we cannot say like a nine-pound old women: this generation is not like the previous generation.

Third, we must exert efforts in practice. Fundamentally speaking, red culture is a spiritual existence. It can only be transformed into a material force for historical progress through people’s practice. And only if it transforms into a material force, and brings a period of true benefit to the country and the people, can it become cultural soft power, and can it become a culture that will make even more people actively accept it and make even more of the country and the nation want to share it. In one sentence, carrying red culture forward means strengthening and expanding the soft power of red culture! Even so, red culture’s transformation from a sort of spiritual existence to it becoming cultural soft power is a complex process, at least, it requires undergoing a number of segments: excavation -> production (research, creation, etc.) -> dissemination (paper media, electronic media, three-dimensional media, etc.) -> acceptance -> action -> effect -> influence. And around these central links, there are also a number of side-chains, such as organization and management, financial support, technology and equipment, etc., Regardless of on which chain or which segments efforts are made, for example writing books, performing plays, teaching classes, or tilling land, doing manual work, standing guard, they can all be said to fully deserve the title of developers of Chinese red culture.

“Without accumulating small steps, a thousand miles will not be reached; without accumulating small steams, rivers and seas will not be formed”. Let us start with ourselves, start from the present, and start from every little bit, use our blood and seat to create a boundless sea of red culture soft power, and run towards a glorious future exceeding hundreds and thousands of miles!

(The author is the President of the Chinese Red Culture Research Association)

红色文化：中国人的精神脊梁
刘润为
什么是中国红色文化？
大家都知道，在学习和日常生活中，我们几乎每天都能接触到这样一些词语和事物：红旗、红歌、红五星、红色电影、红色旅游、佩戴大红花等等。由此不难领悟到：红色文化是一种以颜色标示其本质内涵的文化种类。从光学的角度说，红色是可见光谱中波长大约为630至750纳米的长波末端的颜色。由于它类似人体新鲜血液的颜色，所以中国人民往往赋予它以希望、热烈、勇敢、创造、奋斗、牺牲等象征意味。这种特定的颜色及其象征意味，恰好与我们党和人民的共同理想、品格情操、精神气质形成了异常完美的“同构”关系。中国人的思维和语言善用“比兴”，因而人们将中国共产党领导全国各族人民在长期革命、建设、改革进程中创造的以中国化马克思主义为核心的先进文化凝练地称呼为“红色文化”。显而易见，这一概念本身就是人民群众的一个伟大的文化创造！
应当说，红色文化较之我们经常使用的革命文化、抗战文化、解放区文化、新民主主义文化、社会主义文化等等，具有更加宽广的外延。在一些同志那里，一谈到中国红色文化，便仅仅与上海、嘉兴、南昌、井冈山、延安、西柏坡相联系，其实这是一种不全面的认识，因为那仅仅是历史上的红色文化。我们所说的红色文化，不仅上溯历史、涵盖现实，而且延伸到未来。这是一种大尺度的历史时代产生的蔚为大观的文化。它的上限，要追溯到五四新文化运动前夕马克思列宁主义传入中国的那一历史时刻。十月革命一声炮响，给我们送来了马克思列宁主义。从俄国人民的胜利，中国人民看到了实现民族复兴的希望。一时间，社会主义成了中国社会的一个热词。然而，并非当时所有谈论社会主义的人都是中国红色文化的创始者，也并非所有涉及社会主义的著述都是中国红色文化的滥觞。比如研究系的梁启超、张东荪，安福系的王揖唐，直至投机政客江亢虎、反动军阀陈炯明都在谈论社会主义。但是，他们或是虚与附和，或是貌合神离，或是有始无终，与后来形成的中国红色文化没有任何传承关系。真正可以称之为中国红色文化创始者的有两种人：一是当时中国先进知识分子的代表，如后来成为中国共产党早期领导人的李大钊、陈独秀等；二是从俄国归来的中国工人。真正可以称之为中国红色文化滥觞的有两个：一是先进知识分子的著述和演说，如李大钊的《庶民的胜利》、《布尔什维主义的胜利》，陈独秀的《公理何在》等；二是从俄国归来的工人在劳苦大众中对于俄国“穷人党”胜利一事的口头传播。至于中国红色文化的下限，目前还不能作出准确的估计，但是可以推断，即使是在实现中华民族伟大复兴以后，也要延续相当漫长的时日。这是中国历史上最为灿烂辉煌而且必将更加灿烂辉煌的文化，这是人类历史上夺人心魄而且必将更加夺人心魄的文化高峰！展望开来，即使人类社会到了阶级消亡、国家消亡的共产主义阶段，它作为人类走向真善美的一座巍峨的文化丰碑，也将耸立于千秋万代。在这座丰碑面前，后人们将洒下感动、崇敬的热泪。
中国红色文化不是石头里面蹦出的神物，也不是凭空而降的天外来客。它的产生和发展有其深厚的文化来源和社会来源。文化来源有三个：
第一个是世界社会主义运动中所产生的先进文化。这种先进文化的核心无疑是马克思列宁主义，尤其是破解“历史之谜”的唯物史观、揭示资本秘密的剩余价值学说和告别空想的科学社会主义理论。核心之外，就是各国共产党人和其他革命者创造的无产阶级文化。《国际歌》自上世纪20年代初被译入我国以后，就成为中国革命者为理想忘我奋斗的强大支柱。1931年中华苏维埃共和国成立时，曾把它作为国歌，可见它对早期中国共产党人的影响之深。而它的重译者瞿秋白以及其他许许多多的革命烈士，都是唱着这支歌走向刑场的。即使是在硝烟已经散去的今天，每逢我们听到那悲壮深沉的曲调，仍然禁不住热血沸腾、热泪盈眶。伏契克的长篇特写《绞刑架下的报告》，一直在深刻地感染、教育、启迪着中华儿女。其中的警言“人们，我是爱你们的。你们可要警惕啊”，至今仍像晨钟暮鼓一样回荡在我们的耳畔。
第二个是中华优秀传统文化（包括民间文化）。在制度安排上，《礼记》提出“天下为公”，“使老有所终，壮有所用，幼有所长，矜、寡、孤、独、废、疾者皆有所养。”在抽象的意义上，这种思想与共产主义的理想存在着深刻的内在统一性。从某种意义上说，马克思主义得以在中国传播并日益中国化，所依靠的正是这样的文化背景。在外交上，《墨子》主张“处大国不攻小国，处大家不篡小家，强者不劫弱，贵者不傲贱”。不难看出，这正是新中国政府提出和平共处五项基本原则的传统文化根基。在人与自然的关系上，《易经》提出“财成天地之道，辅相天地之宜”的原则。很明显，这是我们党的生态文明建设理论的一个重要思想来源。至于中国共产党员和其他先进分子，则把中华民族的优秀品德、精神融入自己的血液，化为英勇奋斗的动力。“满天风雨满天愁，革命何须怕断头。留得子胥豪气在，三年归报楚王仇。”这是革命烈士杨超于1927年就义时吟唱的一首诗。留得伍子胥的豪气，进而升华到为人民大众复仇的崇高境界，这就是中国共产党人对于中华传统文化的继承和发扬。
第三个是世界优秀文化。共产党员白莽热爱匈牙利的伟大诗人、1848年欧洲革命的英勇战士裴多菲，曾经翻译过他的不少作品。在白莽、柔石等左联五烈士遇害以后，鲁迅着意将裴多菲的箴言诗《自由与爱情》完整地引入《为了忘却的纪念》一文，以含蓄地道出五烈士是为争取人民自由解放而死的真相，并寄托对他们的一片崇敬之情。著名作家李尔重的抗战题材巨著《新战争与和平》，不但在创作方式和结构方式上有意识地借鉴了托尔斯泰，而且连书名都显示了它与《战争与和平》的继承关系。进入新时期以后，福柯的“权力——知识”说、萨伊德的“东方主义”等等，都对丰富和发展我们的文化理论提供了营养或助力。
谁说中国共产党人和中国人民是僵化保守的呢？纵观一部中国红色文化发展史，可以无愧地说，中国共产党人和中国人民是全人类优秀文化的优秀继承者和发扬者。
社会来源有一个，就是中国共产党领导全国各族人民进行革命、建设、改革的伟大实践。对于中国红色文化的发展繁荣来说，这个来源较之文化来源更具有根本性的意义。文化上的一切继承和借鉴，都必须统一于这一伟大实践。实践是鉴别器，能根据需要分出哪些文化是应当拿来的、哪些文化是应当丢掉的；实践是制造厂，能把拿来的文化进行改造和制作，形成新的文化形态。马克思列宁主义是科学，但是只有与中国实际相结合，才能成为指导中国革命、建设、改革的指南。像王明那样削足适履地用教条或本本来剪裁中国革命实际，其结果只能是既害了中国革命，又害了马克思列宁主义。斯塔夫里亚诺斯在介绍中国革命时说：“毛泽东从一开始，就是一个对社会现实的敏锐的观察者。这不仅因为他出生于农民家庭，也因为他和农民生活在一起，并几乎毕生为之奋斗。这种深知民间疾苦的长期平民生活体验，使他终于敏锐地认识到有必要使马克思主义中国化，使之适合于中国向来被忽视的千百万民众的状况和需要。”毛泽东思想的形成，是马克思主义中国化的基础性工程。正是因为有了这个坚实的基础，在新的历史条件下、新的社会实践中，才又形成了中国特色社会主义理论体系这一马克思主义中国化的新成果。实践是发展的，文化也是随着实践发展而不断发展的，但是实践与文化的发展并不是简单的同步对应关系。实践的高潮和胜利，必然要催生新的文化；实践的低潮或失败，并不一定带来文化的萎缩或凋零。1927年，以蒋介石为首的国民党反动派发动反革命政变，对中国共产党人和革命群众进行疯狂的军事围剿和文化围剿，中国革命进入低潮。然而，就是在这一时期，以毛泽东为代表的中国共产党人创造了农村包围城市 、武装夺取政权的科学理论，革命烈士和志士们留下了震撼人心的壮美诗章，以鲁迅为代表的国统区革命作家创作了一批传世名篇，革命根据地的红色民歌得到了空前的发展繁荣。这是因为，越是低潮、越是失败，就越加需要创新理论的指导和精神力量的支撑。从中国红色文化萌芽到今天，已经有了近百年的光景。回头望去，革命、建设、改革的实践坎坷不平，但红色文化却是鲜花满路，令人目不暇接。
中国红色文化是一个结构复杂、规模巨大的系统。分析这个系统的结构，可以有多个角度、多种方法。比如，从历史上看，有新民主主义文化、社会主义文化；从文化的一般结构上看，有物态文化、心态文化、制度文化、行为文化；从学科上看，有哲学、经济、政治、伦理、党建、历史、新闻、文艺，如此等等，不一而足。但是，分析其意识形态结构，恐怕是更具根本性的工作。在这方面，最新的富有概括性的表述就是社会主义核心价值体系。其中，指导思想——马克思主义是灵魂。这里的马克思主义，主要指的是中国化马克思主义，它是中国红色文化经过近百年的艰难建设所取得的最为伟大的成就。中国特色社会主义共同理想是主题。这里的共同理想，其实就是实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦。它是科学社会主义在中国大地上正在创造并且终将完成的世界奇迹，是中国共产党人和中国人民在推进共产主义伟大事业的进程中必须担当的阶段性历史任务。以爱国主义为核心的民族精神和以改革创新为核心的时代精神是精髓。中国革命、建设、改革的每一步前进，中国红色文化的每一次发展，都是创新精神的胜利，都是爱国主义精神开出的灿烂花朵。没有这两种精神，就没有马克思主义的中国化，就没有红船精神、井冈山精神、延安精神、沂蒙精神、西柏坡精神、抗美援朝精神、大庆精神、航天精神、98抗洪精神、抗震救灾精神等等。社会主义荣辱观是基础。作为一种道德规范，其间沉淀着深厚的历史内容和现实内容。“砍头不要紧，只要主义真”；“恨不抗日死，留作今日羞”；“好八连，天下传……拒腐蚀，永不沾。”；“利人糜顶踵，示范耿星河”……仅从以上所举的极少事例就可以看出，光荣和伟大出自行动。由此可以肯定，千百万共产党人和人民群众是社会主义荣辱观的第一创造者和忠实践行者。以上四个方面相互影响、相互渗透、相互作用，形成一个统一的整体，从而科学地完整地揭示了中国红色文化的本质特征。
中国红色文化是中国人民的精神家园，是中国人民永远告别苦难的福祉，是中国人民创造光辉未来的强大精神动力和思想保证。
为什么要弘扬中国红色文化？
求实地说，不管国内外形势多么复杂多变，弘扬红色文化的工作我们一天都不曾中断过。然而，必须看到，这项工作在今天比以往任何时候都显得更为迫切。
自上世纪八九十年代苏东剧变以后，世界社会主义运动进入低潮，资本主义永世长存、世界历史已经终结之类的神话一时间弥漫全球。就在这万花纷谢之际，社会主义中国却像一棵独立支持的大树，抗击八面来风，以其坚持科学社会主义、发展科学社会主义的艰难实践，为科学社会主义赢得了光荣，为人类前途保存了希望的灯火。20多年过去，社会主义与资本主义的较量又进入了一个新的历史阶段。资本主义自我调节的能量几近枯竭，资本主义演进过程中出现的繁荣风光不再，资本主义基本矛盾再一次激化，资本主义经济再一次爆发全球性危机。就连美国学者弗朗西斯·福山，也不再相信自己当年鼓吹的“历史已经终结”的神话，于2011年初表示：“10年前，在网络泡沫破灭前夕，美国占优势。美国的民主被广泛效仿，即便不是始终受到喜爱；美国的技术风行世界；稍加调整后的‘盎格鲁撒克逊’资本主义被视为未来的潮流。但美国的道德资本在很短时间内消耗殆尽：伊拉克战争，以及军事侵略与民主推广之间的密切联系给民主抹了黑，而华尔街金融危机则打破了市场自我调节的理念。”至于民间的反映，则更为激烈。2011年9月，美国福克斯电视台公布的民意调查震惊世界：74%的民众认为美国的政治体系已经崩溃。与资本主义萧条形成鲜明对比的是社会主义中国的蓬勃发展。这不单表现在巨大的经济成就方面，也表现在制度优越性的其他方面。2008年5月16日，《纽约时报》的一篇文章在对中美两国政府的救灾绩效进行对比之后指出：“如果中国政府能比美国政府更好地处理自然灾害，那么中国体制的优越性，也许能向世人表明的不光是快速增长的经济, 还展示出有效的政府能力。”与社会主义中国和资本主义世界消长相应的是软实力对比的变化。资本主义软实力下降、社会主义文化软实力上升，这是连美国右翼学者约瑟夫·奈都不否认的事实。这主要表现在两个方面：一是中国国内红色文化热潮的大发展，二是世界范围内社会主义思潮的上升和对中国红色文化的向往。从“占领华尔街”、“占领华盛顿”等等运动中，都可以看到中国红色文化的元素。所有这些，都是对我们坚持和发展红色文化的极大鼓舞，都为我们进一步弘扬红色文化提供了有利条件。
与此同时，我们还必须清醒地认识到：“西强我弱”的经济、政治、军事格局和文化格局在一个时期内仍然难以根本改变。特别是资本主义世界的危机和社会主义中国的发展，必然会极大地刺激国际资本，驱使他们加紧实施其西化、分化战略。除处心积虑地在经济、政治、军事上进一步挤压中国的生存空间外，就是以前所未有的广度和深度进行思想文化上的渗透。而国内的一些亲西方势力，则与其结成利益上的“神圣同盟”，共同向中国红色文化发起空前的挑战。这主要集中在以下几个方面：一是通过鼓吹指导思想多元化和所谓“普世价值”，甚至请来民主社会主义和中国腐朽文化助阵，颠覆马克思主义特别是中国化马克思主义的指导地位，让我们的党和人民成为精神上的流浪者，进而皈依西方的“极乐世界”。二是鼓吹新自由主义，颠覆社会主义的基本经济制度，实行彻底的私有化，进而剥夺民营经济的生存权和发展权，为国际资本占有中国的资源和市场扫除一切障碍。三是鼓吹所谓“宪政民主”，照搬西方的多党制，颠覆中国共产党的执政地位，瓦解社会主义的基本政治制度，让中国成为惟西方马首是瞻的一条温顺的小驴。四是鼓吹所谓 “现代公民社会”理论，企图在基层党团组织和政府之外罗织新的政治势力，进而由小及大、由低而高，步步为营地建立起反对党，最终向处于执政地位的中国共产党“问鼎”。五是鼓吹所谓“公共知识分子”理论，并通过一年一度的推举活动营造声势、扩大影响，以此斩断知识分子与祖国、人民的天然责任关系，为“异见”知识分子传播错误思潮制造法理依据、营造舆论空间。六是鼓吹西方的新闻观，用“西方新闻绝对自由”的谎言蛊惑人心，以期消解新闻的意识形态属性，逃避新闻的社会责任，否定党管新闻的原则，让本是正能量的新闻变成足以搞坏一锅汤的老鼠粪。七是鼓吹历史虚无主义。“灭人之国，必先去其史”。为此，他们或掐头去尾地歪曲历史，或别出心裁地伪造历史，但是美化侵略、偏袒卖国、歌颂倒退，抹黑英烈、谮毁革命、否定进步却是他们一以贯之的原则。消解中国共产党领导全国各族人民奋斗的历史，必然要将主要矛头指向这一历史的人格化代表人物——老一辈无产阶级革命家。其重中之重，就是党和人民爱戴的领袖毛泽东。为了摧毁中国人民的这一精神支柱，他们的手段几乎到了无所不用其极的地步。例如，不管是“左”的还是右的，不管是林彪还是蒋介石，只要是反对毛泽东，在他们那里就是好人，就被描画成光环绕顶的人物，如林立果的“小舰队”，竟被说成是“一帮对中国前途很有先见之明的人”。否定毛泽东必然要否定中国共产党的历史根基，否定中国共产党的历史根基必然要否定中国共产党，否定中国共产党必然要实行多党制，这就是他们打算暂不告人大抵永远也没有机会告人的逻辑。同志们可以想一想，如果某一天早上，我们看到这些光怪陆离的东西已经形成了主导性气候，那就表明中国已经开始向半殖民地半封建社会倒退。什么民族独立、人民解放，什么国家富强、人民幸福，近代中国人民的一切奋斗成果都将付诸东流，实现民族伟大复兴的中国梦必然要变成黄粱梦。
问题就是这样提出来的：在如此复杂多变的国内外形势下，在关系党和国家前途命运的大是大非面前，一切袖手旁观的论点、首鼠两端的论点、随波逐流的论点，都是没有根据的。坚持红色文化、继承红色文化、弘扬红色文化，是历史赋予我们的庄严使命。倘若我们不敢或不能承担起这一使命，就会成为被后人所不齿的历史罪人！
怎样弘扬中国红色文化？
立足现实、保卫历史、创造未来，是弘扬中国红色文化的基本原则和方法。其中，立足现实是中心，它一极连接历史，一极指向未来。现实的事情搞不好，历史便宣告中断，未来也化为乌有。所谓立足现实，就是要从当前的发展需要和人民意志出发，寻找发掘、整理、研究、宣传红色文化的切入点，让红色文化遗产鲜活起来，成为排山倒海一般的正能量，为社会主义文化大发展大繁荣服务，为巩固中国共产党执政地位服务，为党和国家工作大局服务，归根结底，为最广大人民群众的根本利益服务。历史是根基。高楼挖掉基础必然坍塌，大树砍断根系必然枯死，这就是我们提出要保卫红色历史的全部依据。这里的历史不仅仅是指过去的人和事，而是指我们党领导人民创造的一切文化的总和。保卫历史并非全盘肯定历史，而是要以历史唯物主义的科学态度，是其大局之是，非其局部之非，换句话说，就是要保卫红色历史的本质方面。如果我们为了保卫红色历史，就连历史上发生的一些极“左”的东西都给予肯定，其结果只能是缘木求鱼，适得其反。创造未来是目标。没有民族伟大复兴，没有共产主义社会，过去的奋斗和今天的奋斗便没有任何价值，我们就会成为迷途的羔羊，彷徨于茫茫旷野而不知所之。其实，前辈们的一切奋斗，都不仅仅是为了今日的小康，更是为了彻底消除人与人、人与自然的对抗，创造一个永久安宁幸福的世界。把握住了未来，就有了继续前进的底气，就能够推动中国红色文化从繁荣走向更大的繁荣。因此我们说，坚定的共产主义信念，是红色文化工作者必须具备的基本精神素质。
遵循这一基本原则和方法，我们可以多个侧面、多个角度，采用多种手段，投入到弘扬红色文化的工作中去。从现实需要出发，应当特别注意以下几个方面。
一是要善于运用红色文化遗产这面宝贵的镜子。比如“宪政民主”那一套，过去不是没有人搞过。远的且不去说它，仅以抗战胜利以后走“第三条道路”的各个政党为例。所谓“第三条道路”，就是一面要共产党放弃斗争，一面要国民党开放政权，在中国“实现欧美式的民主政治”。与当今这些鼓吹“宪政民主”的人不同的是，他们当中的绝大多数都是真诚的，希望推动中国进步的。但是，良好的愿望却被无情的现实打得粉碎。从1945年11月的“一二一”血案到1946年6月的下关惨案，再到1947年5月的“五一八”血案、“五二〇”血案，国民党反动政府频频以阴险毒辣的手段打击民主党派。接着，又相继封闭上海的《文汇报》、《新民报》、《联合报》，并在上海、北平、天津、武汉、重庆等地大肆搜捕民主人士。1947年10月27日，国民党反动政府彻底撕下刷新政治的伪装，干脆宣布民盟为非法组织。下关惨案中被国民党特务打成重伤的民盟代表马叙伦，在病床上紧握周恩来的手说：我过去总劝你们要少一些兵、少一些枪，现在看来，你们的战士不能少一个，枪不能少一枝，子弹不能少一粒。1948年1月，民盟在香港召开一届三中全会，宣告站到中共一边，彻底推翻国民党反动政府，为建立民主、和平、独立、统一的新中国而奋斗到底。这段往事启示我们：在阶级社会里，没有超越阶级利益的民主政治。代表大地主、大资产阶级利益的政党绝不会与代表民族资产阶级、小资产阶级、农民阶级和工人阶级的政党实行多党制。中国如此，美国也是这样。在那里，真正当家作主的是以华尔街金融寡头为代表的垄断资本集团。他们可以用共和、民主两党竞选执政制造民主的假象，但是绝不允许中产阶级、小资产阶级和工人阶级的政党上台执政。“占领华尔街”运动才闹了几天，大亨们便如坐针毡，频频发出防止美国共产党上台执政的警告。当然，中国的政治体制必须改革，但是只能朝着巩固中国共产党执政地位的方向改，朝着恢复与加强党和人民群众血肉联系的方向改，朝着人民真正当家作主的方向改。美国记者冈瑟·斯坦在他的《红色中国的挑战》一书中，曾经详细记述了延安实施“三三制”民主政治的情况：1944年的一个秋天，在延安市政府的一个小会议室里，有14个人与市长一起开会。这14个人就是由延安选民选出的市参议员，其中有共产党员、普通农民、知识分子、商人和开明绅士。市长报告前段工作，并提出下半个年度的施政纲领。参议员们则代表延安各阶层人民，对市政府的前段工作和即将实施的纲领提出种种直率的批评和建议。最后，市长根据议员们的意见对纲领进行了修改。由于实行了真正的民主，延安成为当时远东地区最为廉洁、最为高效的政府。目睹诸如此类的众多现象以后，冈瑟·斯坦感慨地写道：中国共产党“建立了一个对人民不构成沉重负担的，同时又勇于承担重大责任的行政机构，即一个从人民中产生，通过民主方式选举出来并向他们负责的政府。”很明显，这种实行人民民主的真诚态度和根据历史条件创造民主制度的精神永远不会过时。我们就是要这样，以红色文化遗产为鉴，透过各种反马克思主义思潮用谎言编织的华丽外衣，还他们为国际资本奔走的真面目，同时明确前进的方向，汲取进一步发展的力量和智慧。
二是要有红色文化的雍容大度。雍容大度是中国红色文化的显著风格。所谓雍容，就是胸有成竹、从容不迫。辱骂和恐吓绝不是战斗，气急败坏适足见其鄙陋。在文化斗争中，成熟的红色文化工作者总是表现出“谈笑间，樯橹灰飞烟灭”的潇洒和淡定。它依赖于实践主体道义上的高尚、文化实力的雄厚和斗争艺术的高超。在这方面，中央文献研究室的张素华研究员为我们作出了很好的榜样。近年有媒体传播说，1950年，毛泽东在审阅“五一口号”时亲自加写了一条“毛主席万岁”，并由此得出结论：“‘毛主席万岁’这个几亿人呼喊了几十年的口号竟然是毛泽东自己要别人喊的。”面对这一不实之词，张素华并不急于表达义愤，而是沉下心去查阅当年中央拟定“五一口号”的原始档案及其他史料，然后撰文指出：“毛泽东没有在‘五一口号’中加写‘毛主席万岁’。”这个口号产生于1943年，是陕甘宁边区吴满有、赵占魁等45位劳动英雄喊出的。整篇文章要言不繁，不事雕琢，行文舒缓，语气平和，然而却有重过千钧的战斗力。所谓大度，就是要有广阔胸怀和高远眼界，这是中国共产党人大公无私品格在文化上的表现形式。必须看到，随着世界多极化、经济全球化的深入发展，世界范围内各种思想文化的交流、交锋更加频繁；而国内经济体制的深刻变革，利益格局的深刻调整，思想观念的深刻变化，必然导致人们思想活动的独立性、选择性、多变性、差异性日益凸显，思想文化的多元多变已是不争的事实。面对如此复杂的文化格局，我们既不能丧失原则和立场，又不能效法俄国的“无产阶级文化派”，以一切非红色文化为敌，关起门来自己讨生活。道不同不相为谋，道相近则可以相与为谋。我们要像前辈那样，善于与各种健康、进步的文化合作，结成反对腐朽、倒退文化的统一战线，为发展繁荣社会主义文化创造更多的机遇、开拓更加广阔的空间。我们要像前辈那样，以囊括四海的气魄、吐纳自如的内力、敏锐灵活的姿态，随时捕捉、鉴别、吸收古今中外的文化信息，以营养、壮大我们的社会主义文化。其中，包括与社会主义文化敌对的文化。例如，新自由主义是一个坏东西，但是有没有值得我们学习的地方呢？回答是肯定的。自上世纪30年代资本主义经济发生大萧条以来，特别是二战以后，凯恩斯主义位居上风，新自由主义陷入尴尬的窘境，但是以哈耶克为首的一批骨干分子并不甘心失败，于1947年组织起朝圣山学社，一边自我调整，一边等待时机，一直到上世纪八九十年代之交才转运翻身，实现了“对凯恩斯革命的反革命”，并且在苏东剧变中为国际资本立下了汗马功劳（当然，他们的好景不长，这是后话）。身处逆境坚守40年，至少这股顽强的劲头是值得我们学习的。总之，在胸襟气度上，我们要争取超过前辈，至少不能像九斤老太所说：一代不如一代。
三是要在践行上下工夫。从本质上说，红色文化是一种精神存在。它只有通过人们的实践，才能转化为推动历史前进的物质力量。而只有在转化为物质力量，并且给国家和人民带来实实在在的利益的时候，才能形成文化软实力，成为让更多的人主动接受、让更多的国家民族愿意分享的文化。一句话，弘扬红色文化，就是要增强、扩大红色文化的软实力！然而，红色文化从一种精神存在到形成文化软实力，是一个复杂的过程，起码要经过发掘→制作（研究、创作等）→传播（平面媒体、电子媒体、立体媒体等）→接受→行动→成效→影响这样几个环节。而在这一中心链条周围，还要有若干辅助链条，如组织管理、资金支持、技术设备等等。无论你在哪一链条哪一环节上出力，比如写书、演戏、授课，或者种田、做工、站岗，都可以说是当之无愧的中国红色文化的弘扬者。
“不积跬步，无以至千里；不积小流，无以成江海。”让我们从我做起，从当下做起，从一点一滴做起，用心血和汗水去创造红色文化软实力的汪洋大海，去奔向千里万里之外的光辉未来！
（作者：中国红色文化研究会会长）