Persisting in the Four Cardinal Principles

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(30 March 1979)

Comrades:

 

The Party’s Conference on Theoretical Work Principles has already been held for one session. When the conference adjourned, I received the entrustment of the Party Centre to come and speak about a few opinions to everyone.

I, Circumstances and tasks

This conference is organized on the basis of a decision of the 3rd Plenum of the 11th Party Congress. The 3rd Plenum of the 11th Party Congress and the Central Working Conference before the Plenum confirmed the huge work conducted by the Party Centre since smashing the “Gang of Four”, felt that, on a nationwide level the mass activities concerning exposing Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four” may already be victoriously concluded, and decided to shift the focal point of the entire Party’s work towards Socialist modernization construction from this year forward. The 3rd Plenum resolved a series of major Party problems handed down from history, in order to unite the entire Party, the entire Army and the people of all ethnicities in the entire country, and advance towards the magnificent objective of the Four Modernizations. These two conferences have a major significance in the history of the Party. In this Conference on Theory Work Principles organized after the Plenum, everyone opened up their thoughts, aired their own views and put forward not a few questions deserving attention and requiring research, generally speaking, it has been held with great achievement. I said at the Central Working Conference that we must liberate thoughts, use our brains, seek truth from fats and look forward in unity and solidarity. Now, we still must resolutely implement these principles. The important thing is that we must start from reality, closely integrate the present circumstances and tasks, and further propagate and implement these policies.

 

The circumstances since smashing the “Gang of Four” and especially since the 3rd Plenum must be sufficiently and completely appraised. In the two years since smashing the “Gang of Four”, we basically restored the anti-revolutionary political power of the “Gang of Four”, adjusted and replenished all levels’ leadership ranks, Party, government and army leading powers have been basically grasped in the hands of cadres that the people can trust, Party, government and army work has also basically resumed normal order. This is an extremely significant and hard-earned achievement. We already cast off the decade of chaos created by Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”, and obtained a stable and united political picture, this is an indispensible condition and guarantee for our Socialist modernization construction. The Party member of our entire Party, and especially those Party members bearing leadership responsibilities, must all fully pay attention to treasure and safeguard this political picture. Stability and unity naturally have principles. Through exposing and criticising Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”, and especially through the discussions concerning ideological and theoretical questions at last winter’s Central Working Conference and the 3rd Plenum, it may be said that in the aspect of ideological and political orientation, we already basically returned to the correct track of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, we will forever advance along this track. The situation of the national economy already turned for the better, the production of all departments has recovered swiftly. The abovementioned political and economic circumstances, make it possible for the entire Party to shift the focal point of work towards Socialist modernization construction from this year forward. This is a great transition in our country’s history. Although in the past, we already conducted many years of Socialist construction, we still have sufficient reasons to say that this is the beginning of a new historical phase. More than three months of developing the circumstances, fully testifies that the principles of the 3rd Plenum are correct, and are determinedly supported by the entire Party and the peoples of all ethnicities in the entire Country. At a nationwide level, the picture of stability and unity is being consolidated continuously, Inside and outside of the Party, vivid and vigorous democratic life is being developed continuously; the Party’s fine traditions have recovered greatly, thoughts inside and outside of the Party have been greatly liberated, the work style of seeking truth from facts enters more deeply into people’s minds every day; all of the Party’s policy implementations have mustered the vigour of millions of people inside and outside of the Party; the two documents of the 3rd Plenum concerning agriculture have been met with warm welcome from the broad peasants and rural cadres. Our country’s victory in the pre-emptive self-defence strike against Vietnam largely raised our country’s prestige in the international struggle against hegemonism, and also largely raised the prestige of the People’s Liberation Army with the nationwide people. The pre-emptive self-defence strike, illustrates that our troops are still worthy of a People’s Liberation Army that is brave and skilful in battle, and are still worthy to be the mighty Great Wall protecting our Socialist modernization construction.

 

We must also stress to point out that since two years, we conducted large amounts of foreign relations work, and have won over a very good international environment for the Four Modernizations. From the international reaction to this pre-emptive self-defence strike, it can be seen that the absolute majority of people sympathize with us in their hearts. Now, it can be seen more clearly how wise and how rich in far-sightedness the strategy is concerning the division into three worlds that Comrade Mao Zedong formulated for us in his later years, concerning China standing one side of the third world, strengthening unity with nations in the third world and striving for opposing hegemony together with countries in the second world, and the decision to establish normal diplomatic relations with the United States and Japan. This international strategic principle has had an inestimable function in uniting the people of the world to oppose hegemonism, change the balance of global political forces, in smashing the Soviet Union’s hegemonist arrogant plan that schemed to isolate us internationally, improving our international environment and raising our country’s international prestige.

 

In short,  looking from all sides, our country’s features have already seen a fundamental change in comparison with the period in which Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four” rampaged. The entire Party, the entire Army and the people of all ethnicities nationwide, under the correct leadership of the Party Centre, are again brimming with hope and confidence for the prospects of our great Socialist motherland. Whoever would not fully appraise all of this, will make an extremely large mistake.

 

On the other hand, we still have difficulties, and there are some difficulties that are relatively grave. Not considering this point, is also making a large mistake. First and foremost, we must have a sober appraisal and must have a unified view of our country’s economic situation that has been destroyed by Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four” for a long time. In the past ten years, we have never shaken off the grave imbalances in economic proportions, and without balanced development, it is not possible to have a stable and reliable high speed. It seems that our economy, our agriculture, industry, construction, communications, internal and foreign trade, finance and banking, all still must have a period for readjustment in the process of general advance, and only then can march towards different degrees of imbalance towards a relative balance. This adjustment is different from the adjustment in the beginning of the Sixties. This adjustment is an adjustment during progress, and takes place in order to give a good and stable basis for realizing the Four Modernizations. But partial retreat is necessary, some unrealistically high targets that do more harm than good to the overall economy must determinedly be lowered, some enterprises with bad management and grave deficits must be rectified within a limited dime, or even close down for rectification. Only by taking a step backward is it possible to take two steps ahead. At the same time, in order to effectively realize the Four Modernizations, we must earnestly resolve all sorts of economic structure problems, this is also a sort of very large scale and very complex adjustment. This year, we can complete the first year of adjustment work, which is a huge advance, and will create a good beginning for shifting the focal points of work.

 

Under the condition that economic proportions are unbalanced, the decision to conduct the necessary and correct adjustments, is a prerequisite to let our economy march towards correct and stable development. This has already been fully proven by the historical experience of two adjustments, the beginning of the nationwide liberation and the beginning of the Sixties. Because of this, we must tell the people in the entire country that only by acting like this, we can advance even better; in the process of adjustment, we must persistently believe in and submit to the arrangements of the Party and the government. We must be aware that this adjustment work, in comparison with that time at the beginning of the Sixties, has many beneficial conditions, and also has a few difficulties. In that adjustment, all levels’ leading forces and organizational discipline inside and outside of the Party were better than now, and a number of political and ideological factors of social instability did not yet exist like they do now. Now, because of the bills owed and the poison left by the decade of disturbance of Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”, all localities’ burden is very heavy. The bad influence of Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”, and especially the bad influence of factionalism and anarchism, integrated with a number of ideological trends of doubting Socialism, doubting the proletariat dictatorship, doubting the leadership of the Party, and doubting Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, has begun to spread out among a small part of the people. We have a number of cadres that, faced with a completely new historical task, still have insufficiently liberated thoughts, are not good at researching new situations, and resolving new problems Furthermore, the power of the habit of small-scale production and the power of the habit of bureaucratism, still indomitably pesters us. It is very clear that under these circumstances, conducting adjustment work involving a broad surface, if there is no strong concentrated leadership and strict organizational discipline, if work and education to stabilize social and political order is not forcefully strengthened, and if we do not persist in creating a good Party style, further resume the Party’s fine traditions of seeking truth from facts, the mass line and working diligently in spite of difficulties, a number of large and small disturbances that could have been avoided from the start may emerge, causing our modernization construction to meet with grave obstacles even at the moment of the first step in setting out. Now, the centre has decided to establish a financial and economic committee, under the command of the two Comrades Chen Yun and Li Xiannian, to uniformly manage nationwide financial and economic work and the present adjustment work. The Centre, the State Council and all localities’ leading organs have already adopted and will continue to adopt a series of measures to, at the same time as carrying forward democracy, forcefully stabilize social order, strengthen the Socialist legal system, and guarantee stability and unity. The Centre’s and all localities’ Party Discipline Inspection Committees have already been successively established, their main task is to assist the Centre and all localities’ Party Committees to get a good Party style. We have complete confidence in surmounting the temporary difficulties in our advance, and leading the entire Party and the people of the entire country in capturing the victory in modernization construction.

 

What are the main tasks in our present and future, which are such long historical periods? In one sentence, it is realizing modernization construction. Whether or not the Four Modernization can be realized will decide the fate of our country and the fate of the nation. Under the present conditions of China, doing the Four Socialist Modernizations well is persisting in Marxism, and is holding high the great banner of Mao Zedong Thought. Socialist modernization construction is our largest political matter at present, because it represents the larges interest and most basic interest of the people. Now, every Party member and Youth League member, and every patriotic citizen must surmount all difficulties under the unified leadership of Party and government, and by hook or crook contribute all forces to realizing the Four Modernizations.

 

II, Realizing the Four Modernization must persist in the Four Cardinal Principles

 

We must realize the Four Modernizations in this century, and let our country become a strong Socialist country, this is an extremely formidable task.

 

When launching the democratic revolution in the past, we had to adapt to the Chinese situation, and walk the path opened up by Comrade Mao Zedong of surrounding the cities from the countryside. Now we launch construction, we must also adapt to the Chinese situation, and march a path of Chinese-style modernization.

If we want to make China realize the Four Modernizations, there are at least two important characteristics of which we must be aware:

 

One is a low starting point. The long-term destruction by imperialism, feudalism and bureaucratic capital has made China become a poor and backward country. After founding the country, our economic construction has had great achievements, a relatively complete industrial structure was established, and a batch of technical talents was fostered. The annual average growth speed of our country’ industry and agriculture from liberation to last year is relatively high at the global level. But because of the starting point being to low, at present, China still is one of the poorest countries in the world. China’s science and technology forces are insufficient, generally speaking science and technology levels are twenty or thirty years backwards in comparison with advanced countries in the world. In the last thirty years, our economy has seen two starts and two failures, and especially the great destruction wrought by Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four” from 1966 to 1976 has had extremely grave consequences. Now, our wanting adjustment, is also to further remove these grave consequences.

 

The second is a large population, and little cultivated land. At present, our nationwide population is more than 900 million, of whom 80 percent are peasants. There is a good aspect to having many people, and there is also an unfavourable aspect. Under the condition of production being insufficiently developed, food, education and employment all become grave problems. We must forcefully strengthen birth-planning work, but even if the population does not increased for some years, the problem of a large population will still exist for a length of time. We have a vast territory and abundant resources, this is our superior condition. But there are many resources that have not been clearly explored; have not been extracted and used, therefore, they are not yet real means of production. The land surface is vast, but there is little cultivated land. Little cultivated land, and a large population, and especially a large peasantry, this sort of situation cannot be easily changed. This has become a characteristic that must be considered in China’s modernization construction.

 

Chinese-style modernization must start from the characteristics of China. For example, modernized production only requires relatively few people to be enough, and with our population being so large, how to deal with both aspects at the same time? If we don’t plan considering all factors, we may face the social problem of there not being ample employment in the long run. Here are many problems, which require the entire Party’s comrades that do real work and theoretical work to jointly research them, we also certainly can look for suitable methods to appropriately resolve them. I will not discuss issues in these aspects today.

 

What I want to speak about today are issues in the ideological and political aspect. The Centre feels that if we want to realize the Four Modernizations in China, we must persist in the Four Cardinal Principles in ideology and politics. These are the basic preconditions for realizing the Four Modernizations. These four principles are:

First, we must persist in the Socialist path;

Second, we must persist in the dictatorship of the proletariat;

Third, we must persist in the leadership of the Party;

Fourth, we must persist in Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought.

 

Everyone knows, that these Four Cardinal Principles aren’t new things by any means, and our Party has persisted consistently in them since a long time. Since smashing the “Gang of Four” as well as the 3rd Plenum, the Party Centre has implemented a series of principles and policies, which consistently persisted in these Four Cardinal Principles.

 

From practice and theory, we criticized that sort of false capitalism appearing as extreme leftism that advocated widespread poverty of the “Gang of Four”. We persisted in the principles the Socialist public ownership system and distribution according to work done We persisted in the principles of mainly relying on our own strength for reconstruction, and striving for supplementary foreign assistance, studying and attracting foreign advanced technology to develop our country’s Socialist economic construction. We tried hard to handle matters according to objective economic rules. That is also to say that we persisted in scientific Socialism.

 

We smashed the feudalist fascism of the “Gang of Four”, and redressed large amounts of injustices, resolved a series of principles handed down from history, consolidated the dictatorship of the proletariat, resumed and carried forward Socialist democracy, and especially after the 3rd Plenum, a vivid and vigorous political picture emerged that Comrade Mao Zedong hoped to realize for many years during his lifetime.

 

We resumed the three main work styles of the Party that had been destroyed, completed the Party’s democratic centralism, strengthened the unity of the entire Party, the unity of the Party and the masses, thereby largely raised the prestige of the Party and strengthened the Party’s leadership over  the country and social life.

 

We did away with the spiritual shackles created by Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”, persisted in leaders being humans and not being gods; we persisted in completely and correctly grasping the scientific system of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought; we persisted in starting from reality and seeking truth from facts. This revived the true colours of Mao Zedong Thought, and safeguarded the sublime position that Comrade Mao Zedong should enjoy as a great revolutionary in Chinese revolutionary history and global revolutionary history.

 

Nonetheless, the Party Centre believes that today, there still is a great need to strengthen the propaganda of these Four Cardinal Principles. Because in realizing this aspect, within the Party, a part of the comrades still suffers greatly from the poison of the extreme leftist ideological trends of Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”, and an extremely small number of people even spread slanderous rumours, and attack the series of principles and policies that the Party implemented after smashing the “Gang of Four” and especially after the 3rd Plenum to violate Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought; on the other hand, in society, there is an extremely small amount of people that is currently disseminating ideological trends doubting or opposing these Four Cardinal Principles, and within the Party, there are also a few comrades that not only not acknowledge the danger of this sort of ideological trend, but even directly or indirectly support this to some extent. Although these few sorts of people are extremely small in number inside and outside of the Party, their effect cannot be overlooked because they are extremely small in number. The facts show that they not only may, but even already have created a large danger to our undertaking. Because of this, we must on the one hand continue in determinedly eliminating the bad influence of the “Gang of Four”, and help the part of comrades that are still poisoned to come to awareness, and sharply attack the reactionary discourse disseminated by an extremely small number that slanders the Party Centre; on the other hand, we must use huge efforts to struggle determinedly with ideological trends doubting the said Four Cardinal Principles. These two ideological trends both violate Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, and both hamper  the advance of our Socialist modernization construction undertaking. Concerning the extreme leftist ideological trends disseminated by Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four” (there is no doubt that this ideological trend also opposes the Four Cardinal Principles, only it opposes them from the “leftist” side), we have already conducted large amounts of criticism, and henceforth must still continue to launch this sort of criticism, and may not slacken. At present, I’d like to stress the conduct of a number of criticisms against ideological trends doubting or opposing the Four Cardinal Principles from the rightist side.

 

First, we must persist in the Socialist path. At present, there are a number of people disseminating the so-called discourse that Socialism is inferior to capitalism. We must certainly thoroughly refute this sort of discourse. First and foremost, only with Socialism will it be possible to rescue China, this is the unshakeable historical conclusion of reached from sixty years of personal experience of the Chinese people, from the May Fourth movement to today. If China deviates from Socialism, it will inevitably return to semi-feudalism and semi-colonialism. The absolute majority of Chinese will not permit history to go backward. Second, Socialist China at present is inferior to developed capitalist countries in aspects such as economy, technology and culture, this is a fact. But this has not been caused by the Socialist system, basically, it is created by history before liberation, it is created by imperialism and feudalism. The socialist revolution already caused our country to greatly reduce the difference with developed capitalist countries in the aspect of economic development. Although we made a few mistakes, in thirty years, we have still obtained progress that was not obtained by Old China in a number of centuries or a number of millennia. Our economic construction has had a relatively rapid development speed. At present, we summarized experience, and rectified mistakes, there is no doubt that in the future, we will develop quicker than any capitalist country, and in a relatively stable and lasting manner. As to gross national product per capita over catching up with and exceeding developed capitalist countries, this will require a considerably long time. Again, which is better, the Socialist system or the capitalist system? Naturally, the Socialist system is better. The reason that Socialist countries also make grave mistakes under certain circumstances, or even this sort of grave disruption such as the destruction by Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four” emerges, undoubtedly has subjective causes, and basically still is created by the influence handed down the long-term history of the old society, it is impossible to sweep this sort of influence away in one morning. The development of capitalist countries with long periods of feudal history, such as the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy and Japan also has had major disruptions and reverses (Anti-revolutionary restorations appeared in the United Kingdom and France, fascist rule appeared in Germany, Japan and Italy). But, we relied on the Socialist system, and using or own strength, we defeated Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four” relatively smoothly, making our country swiftly march the path of stability, unity and healthy development again. The socialist economy has public ownership at the basis, production is in order to satisfy the people’s material and cultural needs to the largest extent, and is not to exploit. Because of these characteristics of the socialist system, our country’s people can have common political, economic and social ideals, and common moral standards. Capitalist societies cannot ever have these things. Capitalism, in any case, cannot cast of the excessive profits of millionaires, and cannot cast off exploitation and plundering, cannot cast off economic crises, cannot shape common ideals and morals, cannot avoid all sorts of extremely grave crimes, degeneration and despair. Capitalism has already had a few centuries of history, and the science and technology developed by peoples of all countries under the capitalist system, and all sorts of beneficial knowledge and experience they accumulated, are things we must inherit and study. We must in a planned and selective manner, attract the advanced technology of capitalist countries and other things beneficial to us, but we must absolutely not study and attract the capitalist system, and must certainly not study and attract all sorts of  repulsive and decadent things. If developed capitalist countries have cast off the capitalist system, their economy and culture certainly will have an even greater progress. Therefore, in capitalist counties, all political forces requiring social progress also are striving to research and propagate Socialism, and striving to struggle to abolish all sorts of unjust and unreasonable phenomena in capitalist societies and even realize a Socialist revolution. We must introduce the progress and beneficial things in capitalist countries to the people and especially the youth, and criticize the reactionary and degenerate things in capitalist countries.

 

Second, we must persist in the dictatorship of the proletariat. We already have conducted large amounts of propaganda, to explain that the dictatorship of the proletariat is Socialist democracy where the people are concerned, is a democracy jointly enjoyed by workers, peasants, intellectuals and other workers, and is the broadest democracy in history. In the aspect of democratic practice, we have not done enough in the past, and moreover, have made mistakes. This “Complete Dictatorship” propagated by Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”, implemented feudal fascist dictatorship over the people, we have thoroughly smashed this dictatorship. This completely lacks common points with the dictatorship of the proletariat, and moreover, completely opposes it. At present, we have already determinedly corrected the mistakes of the past, and adopted all sorts of measures to continue to strive for broad intra-Party democracy and people’s democracy. Without democracy, there is no Socialism, and there is no Socialist modernization. Naturally, democratization and modernization are the same, and must also be advanced step by step. The more Socialism develops, the more democracy develops. This is correct beyond doubt. But in the development of Socialist democracy we may absolutely not permitted to not implement the dictatorship of the proletariat against forces hostile to Socialism. We oppose the broadening of class struggle, and do not believe that there is a capitalist class within the party, and also do not believe that under the Socialist system, after truly having eliminated the exploiting class and exploiting conditions, a capitalist class or other exploiting classes can emerge. But we must notice that in Socialist societies, there are still anti-revolutionaries, there are still enemy agents, there are all sorts of criminals and other bad elements destroying Socialist order, there are new exploiters conducting graft and embezzlement, speculation and profiteering, moreover, this sort of phenomenon is impossible to completely eliminate in the long run. The struggle with them is different from the struggle with the historical struggle between classes in the past (it is impossible for them to form an open and complete class), but it still is a sort of special class struggle, or it can be said to be special form handed down from class struggles in history, under the conditions of Socialism. We still must implement dictatorship over those elements opposing Socialism. If we do not impose dictatorship over them, it is impossible to have Socialist democracy. This sort of dictatorship is a domestic struggle, and some are also international struggles at the same time, the two are inseparable in reality. Because of this, under the condition that class struggle exists, and under the condition that imperialism and hegemonism exist, it is impossible to imagine the withering away of the dictatorship function of the State, and impossible to imagine the withering away of standing armies, public security organs, courts of law, prisons, etc. Their existence does not contradict the democratization of Socialist countries, their correct and effective work is not to obstruct, but to guarantee the democratization of Socialist countries. In fact, without the dictatorship of the proletariat, it is impossible for us to safeguard and thereby impossible to construct Socialism.

 

Third, we must persist in the leadership of the Communist Party. Since the international communist movement, it has been proven that without a party of the proletariat, it is impossible to have an international communist movement. Since the October Revolution, it has been proven even more that without the leadership of the Communist Party, it is impossible to have a Socialist revolution, it is impossible do have the dictatorship of the proletariat, and it is impossible to have Socialist construction. Lenin said: “the dictatorship of the proletariat is an indomitable struggle against the forces and traditions of the old society, a struggle with and without bloodshed, of violence and peace, of the military and the economy, of education and administration. […] without a party as iron, that is toughened through struggle, without a party in which the entire class faithfully trusts in, and without a party that is good at observing and studying the mood of the masses and influencing the mood of the masses, it is impossible to smoothly conduct this sort of struggle.” This truth spoken by Lenin is still valid new. In China, in the sixty years since the May Fourth movement, apart from the Communist Party, there has been basically no other party that linked with the broad labouring masses in the way that Lenin said. Without the Chinese Communist Party, there would be no new Socialist China. The reason that perverse acts of Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four” not only led to the determined opposition of the entire Party and furthermore of the people in the entire country, is because they kicked aside the leading Chinese Communist Party that had long experience in being tested and that established a flesh and blood relationship with the popular masses. The reason that after smashing the “Gang of Four” and especially after the 3rd Plenum, the Party’s prestige with the people in the entire country rose is precisely because the people in the entire country have entrusted all their hopes for the path ahead in the leadership of the Party. The mass movement to commemorate Premier Zhou Enlai on Tiananmen Square in 1976, was not an activity led by the Party in an organized way, but still was a movement to determinedly support the Party and oppose the “Gang of Four”, the leadership of the masses participating in this movement and the counterrevolutionary understanding are inseparable from the Party’s education over many years, and the main active elements among them were Party and Youth League members. Because of this we can absolutely not regard that mass movement of Tiananmen Square as a purely spontaneous movement like the May Fourth movement, that had nothing to do with the Party’s leadership. In fact, after deviating from the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, who would organize the Socialist economy, politics, military and culture? Who would organize China’s Four Modernizations? In the China of today, we should absolutely not deviate from the leadership of the Party and eulogize the spontaneity of the masses. The leadership of the party naturally is not without mistakes, but how can the party closely link up with the masses, and implement correct and effective leadership, these are also questions that must be earnestly considered and diligently resolved, but this absolutely cannot become a reason to demand weakening or abolition of the Party’s leadership. Our Party has undergone many mistakes, but every time, we relied on the Party and did not deviate from the Party that corrected its own mistakes. The Party Centre of today persists in carrying forward Party democracy and the people’s democracy, and moreover persists in correcting the mistakes made in the past. Under these circumstances, actually demanding a weakening or even abolition of the Party’s leadership is something that the broad masses can tolerate even less. This in fact can only lead to anarchism and lead to the disintegration and collapse of the Socialist undertaking. Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four” kicked away the Party Committees to make a revolution, and what kind of “revolution” ruckus they caused, is very clear to everyone. If we kick away Party Committees to make democracy today, isn’t it equally clear what kind of “democracy” ruckus this will cause? 1966 originally was the year in which the Chinese economy would gain rapid development after a number of years of adjustment, but with the ruckus of Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”, the economy suffered grave destruction. Now, the Chinese economy is again marching a healthy development path under the leadership of the Party Centre and the State Council, if we let some people kick away Party Committees to cause ruckus everywhere again, it can only completely blow away the Four Modernizations. This is not to sensationalize, but is an objective truth proven by large quantities of practice.

 

Fourth, we must persist in Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. One of the central contents of our struggle with Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”, is to oppose their false, distorted and fragmented Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. Our smashing the “Gang of Four” has made Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought again resume their scientific aspects, and become guidelines for our actions. This is a great victory for the entire Party and the people in the entire country. But there are an extremely small number of people who do not think like that. They either openly oppose the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism or orally support Marxism-Leninism but oppose the integration of universal truths of Marxism-Leninism and Chinese revolutionary practice that engendered Mao Zedong Thought. We must oppose all these mistaken ideological trends. There are some comrades that say that we are only supporting “correct Mao Zedong Thought”, and do not support “mistaken Mao Zedong Thought”. This sort of formulation is also mistaken. What we persist in and must take as guidelines for action are the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, or what is said to be the scientific structure built by these basic principles. As for a few inferences, well, regardless of whether it is Marx, Lenin and Comrade Mao Zedong, they all unavoidably have faults here and there. But none of these are part of the scientific structure built by the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought.

 

Now, I elaborate Mao Zedong Thought. China’s anti-imperialist and anti-feudalist revolution has undergone innumerable tragic defeats. Is it not so that it is only Mao Zedong Thought that made the Chinese people, that approximately make up a quarter of humankind, find the correct revolutionary path, obtain nationwide liberation in 1949, and basically complete the Socialist transformation in 1956? This series of great victories not only essentially changed the fate of China, it also changed the global situation. Mao Zedong Thought is inseparable from anti-hegemonism at the global level, and is the most striking symbol striking at the heart of Marxist-Leninist parties that precisely obtained political power by implementing hegemonism under the Socialist banner and violated Socialist principles. In front of everything, we say that Comrade Mao Zedong in his later years still put forward the strategic ideology concerning the division into three worlds, initiated a new phase in Sino-US relations and Sino-Japanese relations himself, and thereby created new development conditions for the global anti-hegemonic struggle and the global political further. That we can put a hand to conducting the Four Modernizations in the international environment of today, cannot but be remembered as the merit of Comrade Mao Zedong. Comrade Mao Zedong was the same as anybody else, and also had his shortcomings and mistakes. But, in his great life, how can these mistakes be compared with his immortal contributions to the people? When analyzing his shortcomings and mistakes, we naturally must admit individual responsibility, but it is even more important that we must analyze the complex historical background. Only in this way do we treat history and treat historical figures fairly, scientifically and in a Marxist way. If anyone deviates from Marxism in treating these serious questions, then, he may receive blame from the Party and the masses. What is strange about this?

 

Mao Zedong Thought was the banner of the Chinese revolution in the past, hereafter it will forever be the banner of the Chinese Socialist undertaking and anti-hegemonist undertaking, we will forever advance holding high the banner of Mao Zedong Thought.

 

The undertakings and ideology of Comrade Mao Zedong, are not only his individual undertakings and ideologies, they are at the same time the undertakings and ideologies of his comrades-in-arms, the Party and the people, and are the crystallization of more than half a century of experience in revolutionary struggle by the Chinese people. It is just like the situation of Marxism. When Engels appraised Marx, he said that the modern proletariat ‘s reliance on Marx was only the first realization of their personal position and requirements, and realization of their personal liberation conditions. Does this mean to say that individuals created history? History is created by the people, but this does not in the slightest exclude the respect of the people for remarkable individuals; and respect naturally is not superstition and is not treating someone as a god.

 

In short, in order to realize the Four Modernizations, we must persist in the Socialist path, persist in the dictatorship of the proletariat, persist in the leadership of the Communist Party and persist in Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. The Centre believes that, today, we must repeatedly stress to persist in the Four Modernizations, because some people (why fear what is only a tiny majority) scheme to shake up these cardinal principles. This is absolutely not permitted. No Communist Party member, and it should be said even less, no Party ideology and theory worker, is permitted to have the slightest waver in this basic standpoint. If any of these Four Cardinal Principles is shaken up, then the entire Socialist undertaking and the entire modernization construction undertaking will be shaken up.

 

That the Centre raises these questions like this, is it not making a mountain out of a molehill? The development of circumstances makes it impossible for the Party to not raise these questions like this.

 

In recent times, the phenomenon of small numbers of people causing a ruckus has appeared in a number of places. Some bad elements not only do not accept the guidance, advice and explanations of leading Party and government cadres, but also raise all sorts of demands, that at present cannot be realized or are fundamentally irrational, and incite and trick a part of the masses to attack Party and government organs, occupy offices, go on sit-ins and hunger strikes, block traffic, gravely destroying work order, production order and social order.

 

Moreover, they also sensationally raise whatever slogans, such as “opposing hunger”, “demanding human rights”, etc. and under these slogans incite a part of the people to demonstrate, secretly scheme to let foreigners take their discourse and actions to the world and broadly propagate them. There is a so-called “Small China Human Rights Group”, which went as far as to post large-character posters to demand the American president to “be concerned for” China’s human rights. This sort of brazen demand of foreigners to meddle in China’s domestic affairs, can we permit this? There is a so-called “Thaw Society”, which published a declaration that openly opposed the dictatorship of the proletariat, and said this divides humankind. Can we permit that sort of “freedom of speech” that openly opposes constitutional principles?

 

In Shanghai, there is a so-called “Democratic Symposium”, among which there are some people that slander Comrade Mao Zedong, and deal out substantial anti-revolutionary slogans, play up that “the source of ten thousand evils is the dictatorship of the proletariat” and that they will “persist in thoroughly criticizing the Chinese Communist Party”. They believe that capitalism is better than socialism, and because of this, China is not to engage in issues concerning the Four Modernizations, but should implement their so-called “social reform”, which means to do those phony capitalist gestures. They openly claim that their task is to resolve those “capitalist-roaders” that have not been resolved by the “Gang of Four”. Some people in their midst demand to go abroad for “political asylum”, some people are even closely in touch with Jiang’s special organs, and plot sabotage.

 

It is very clear that these people demand  destroy the shifting of the focal point of our work by hook or by crook. If we ignore the familiar sight of these grave phenomena, then all levels’ Party and government organs will only be perplexed by them and will be unable to conduct work, and how will there still be any possibility to consider the Four Modernizations?

 

These events are indeed extremely small in number, and have moreover received the resistance of the absolute majority of people, but they deserve serious attention. First, these people wave about the signboard of so-called democracy, which easily misleads public opinion. Second, these people utilize a number of social problems handed down from the Lin Biao and “Gang of Four” period, which easily deceive a part of the masses that presently have difficulties that the government has not been able to completely resolve in a short period of time. Third, these people begin to form all sorts of secret or semi-open organizations, on the one hand, they are establishing ties on a nationwide scope, on the other hand, and they are collaborating with Taiwan as well as foreign political forces. Fourth, among these people, there still is a part that colludes with a number of social hooligan organizations as well as a batch of henchmen of the ““Gang of Four””, in order to expand the scope of their destructive activities. Fifth, these people strive to use some of our comrades’ words that were not discreet here or there, as an excuse or shield against censure for them. The above situations illustrate that the struggle with these people is a simple problem that may be resolved in a short period of time. We must strive to perform our work well, and separate the masses that have been hoodwinked by them (among whom are many innocent youths) from these counterrevolutionaries and bad elements, and these counterrevolutionaries and bad elements must be strictly dealt with according to the laws. At the same time, we must also educate the comrades in the entire Party that they must pay attention to raise their vigilance, consider the larger picture, and unite as one under the leadership of the Centre, and must both continue to liberate thoughts, determinedly carry forward democracy and muster all positive factors, and also strive to surmount the ideological confusion of a small part of the masses and especially a small part of youth.

 

We certainly must make the question of democracy clear to the people and to the youth. The socialist path, the dictatorship of the proletariat, the leadership of the proletariat, Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought are all related to the question of democracy. What then is the democracy that the Chinese people need today? The democracy that Chinese people need today, can only be a socialist democracy, also named a people’s democracy, and is not a democracy of capitalist classes’ individualism. The people’s democracy is inseparable from the dictatorship over enemies, and is also inseparable from centralism on a democratic basis. What we implement is democratic centralism, which integrates centralism on a democratic basis and democracy under the guidance of centralism. Democratic centralism is an inseparable component part of the Socialist system, under the Socialist system, the interest of the individual must be submitted to the collective interest, sectional interests must submit to the overall interest, temporary interests must submit to long-term interests, or it can be called small pictures submitting to the larger pictures, and minor principles submitting to large principles. That we advocate and implement these principles, is absolutely not to say that it is permitted to not pay attention to individual interest, not pay attention to sectional interest, and not pay attention to temporary interests, but is because under the Socialist system, in the final analysis, the individual interest and the collective interest are united, sectional interests and the overall interest are united, and temporary interests and long-term interests are united. We must  adjust the mutual relationship between all sorts of interests according to the principle of planning considering all factors. If it is the contrary, violating the collective interest while pursuing individual interests, violating the collective interest while pursuing sectional interests, violating long-term interests while pursuing temporary interests, then the result certainly will be that both are lost. The relationship between democracy and centralism, the relationship between rights and obligations, in the final analysis, is the reflection of the relationship of all sorts of interests mentioned earlier in politics and law. Just because of this, Comrade Mao Zedong said that our objective, is to want to create a sort of political picture that is both centralized and democratic, both disciplined and free, has both unified willpower and individual freedom from anxiety, vivacity and vigour. This is the political picture of Socialist democracy, this is the political picture that we must strive to realize today and hereafter.

 

In the past, we did not propagate democracy sufficiently, implemented it insufficiently, and had many imperfections in the system, because of this, continuing to strive to carry democracy forward, is a long-term  resolute objective of the entire Party from now on. But when we propagate democracy, we certainly must strictly distinguish Socialist democracy from capitalist class democracy and individualist democracy, and must certainly integrate the people’s democracy with dictatorship over enemies, and integrate democracy with centralism, democracy with the legal system, democracy and discipline and democracy and the Party’s leadership. We are still faced with a series of difficulties in our present economic life, and must still conduct a series of adjustments, when rectifying and reorganizing, we must especially stress propagating the rationality that individual interests must submit to the collective interest, sectional interests must submit to the overall interest, and temporary interests must submit to the long-term interest. Only if people inside and outside of the Party, high and low, pay attention to considering the large picture, we are able to smoothly surmount difficulties, and strive for the bright path ahead for the Four Modernizations. Otherwise, if we deviate from the Four Cardinal Principles, and abstractly prattle about democracy, then it will inevitably create a grave flood of ultra-democracy and anarchism, create a thorough destruction of the stable and united political picture, and create a thorough defeat for the Four Modernizations. Like that, our decade of struggle with Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four” will be simply wasted, China will again fall into chaos, division, backwardness and darkness, and the Chinese people will lose all hope. This is not only a problem that the people of all ethnicities in the entire country are extremely concerned about, and is also a problem that the people from the entire world that want China to become strong, and even the people that only hope to develop trade with China are extremely concerned about.

 

Here, one question on social conduct must be raised. In the more than ten years after we founded the country, because the Party and government led correctly, social conduct was healthy. The absolute majority of youth that grew up under Party education, cherishes sublime ideals, warmly loves the Socialist motherland, vigorously responds to the call of the Party and the government, defends the interest of the people, safeguards social order, and  displays a spirit of fine devotion and a spirit of observing discipline everywhere. This sort of atmosphere of the youth and the atmosphere of the entire society mutually influence each other, mutually stimulate each other and have received the praise from the people in the entire country and personalities from all countries. But in the past ten years, when Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four” messed up our Party and government, and messed up our society, they also poisoned not a few youths, and the moral customs of Socialism were gravely damaged. After smashing the “Gang of Four”, the situation has seen great improvements, but their poisonous influence cannot yet be underestimated in some spheres. This sort of situation is not adapted to the requirements of shifting the focal point of the entire Party’s work. Our advocating the development of normal relations between the Chinese and foreigners, is necessary to strengthen the understanding and friendship between our country and the people of all countries, and is necessary for attracting foreign technology and capital as well, and from now on, this sort of relation may increase every day. But because the education and management of youth is not sufficient, a number of unhealthy phenomena have appeared. A number of young men and women blindly admire capitalist countries, and some people do not even pay attention to their own national dignity and personal dignity in interacting with foreigners. This sort of situation must attract our earnest attention. We certainly must educate our next generations well, and certainly must adopt effective measures from all sides, to create a good social atmosphere for us, and attack these evil activities that gravely corrupt social atmosphere.

 

In order to stimulate the progress of social conduct, we must first and foremost create a good Party style, which especially requires all levels’ leading Party comrades to set the example. The Party is the model for the entire society, and all levels’ leading Party comrades are the models for the entire Party. If the Party organization leaves the opinions, advantages and disadvantages to one side, and shows no interests, how can we require the masses to trust, love and respect the leadership of such as Party organization? If the leading Party cadres themselves have no strict requirements of themselves, do not obey Party discipline and national law, violate Party principles, engage in factionalism, create privileges, walk through back doors, are extravagant and wasteful, benefit themselves at public expense, do not share joy and sorrow with the masses, are not in front to bear hardship, enjoy following, do not submit to decisions of the organization, do not accept supervision by the masses and even retaliate against people criticizing them, how can we count on them to reform social styles? In the present historical transformation period, problems are piled up like mountains, much work remains to be done, and strengthening Party leadership and straightening the Party work style has a deciding significance. Comrade Mao Zedong said: “Only when our Party’s work style is completely upright and decent, the people of the entire country will learn from us. Where there are this sort of people in a harmful atmosphere outside of the Party, as long as they are decent, they will learn from use, and correct their mistakes, this will influence the entire nation.” Only by getting a good Party style, will it be possible to transform social atmosphere, and will it be possible to persist in the Four Cardinal Principles.

 

Are there places in the above words that are inconsistent with the spirit of the 3rd Plenum? There are not. Everything said here, implements the measures that the 3rd Plenum had to adopt in principles and policies. Again, if these measures are not adopted, the principles and policies of the 3rd Plenum will come to nothing, and the shifting of the work focal points will come to nothing, the Four Modernizations construction will come to nothing and the development of intra-Party democratic life will also come to nothing. Because of this, when some people say of the  Centre’s principles that they are “accepted”, and say that the Centre’s principles on carrying forward democracy has changed, this is completely mistaken. Only by persisting in he Four Cardinal Principles that our Party has always persisted in, and by persisting in surmounting the harmful tendencies that obstruct the implementation of the principles and policies of the 3rd Plenum, we will be able to determinedly advance towards or magnificent objective of victory.

 

III, Tasks of ideological and theoretical work

The problems raised by the Centre’s and all provincial, municipal and autonomous region theoretical work principle meetings are many in number, and I cannot answer them one by one now. Today, I want to speak about the following two issues in ideological and theoretical work tasks. I do not understand many situations, and especially understand very little about local circumstances, whether or not what I say is completely appropriate, the comrades are requested to consider.

 

First, a number of requirements on ideological and theoretical work at present.

Marxist ideological and theoretical work cannot be separated from practical politics. When I say politics here, it is the large picture of domestic and foreign class struggle, and is the basic advantage and disadvantage of the Chinese people and the people of the world in realizing struggle. It is unimaginable that those deviating from the larger political picture, not researching the larger political picture, and not appraising the real development of political struggle can become Marxist thinkers and theorists. If it were so, what significance would the issue of practice being the sole criterion to examine truth that we took half a year’s time to discuss last year, still have? Scientific socialism develops out of real struggle, Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought develop in real struggle. Naturally, we cannot return to a fantasy Socialism from a scientific Socialism, and we can also not let Marxism stop at a level of theses of a few decades or more than a century ago. Therefore, I repeat, liberating thoughts, means that we must use the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, research new situations and resolve new problems.

 

What are then the most important new situation and the most important new problem in our country today? Naturally, it is realizing the Four Modernizations, or as I said before, realizing Chinese-style modernization. We have already said that deeply researching the new situations and new problems that will be encountered in realizing the Chinese-style Four Modernizations, and formulating answers that have a major guiding significance, will be a major contribution of our ideological and theoretical workers to Marxism, and is genuinely holding high the banner of Mao Zedong Thought. Naturally, this is absolutely not to say that it is permitted to not earnestly or deeply research any ideological or theoretical question that does not have a direct relationship with realizing the Four Modernizations. Philosophy and social sciences are the same as the natural sciences, and basic theoretical research can absolutely not be overlooked, this research is indispensible for any great advance in theoretical work.

 

We must persist in the Four Cardinal Principles in order to realize the Four Modernizations as I put forward in the second part of my speech, although I already said that this is not a new issue in any way, these principles do, however, have a new significance in the present new circumstances, and new elaborations that are fully persuasive must be made for all of them on the basis of new facts. Only in this way will we be able to educate the people in the entire country, the youth of the entire country and the workers of the entire country, all officers and men of the Liberation Army, and will we be able to persuade these people that seek  truth in the China of today. This is an extremely important task, and is both a major political task, and a major theoretical task. this is absolutely not a task that we can complete by making superficial changes to and plagiarizing old books, but is a scientific work of sublime creation that will use great effort and painstaking care of revolutionary thinkers. Because the decade of disturbance of Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”, the ideological battle line has been full of nonsense and ravings for a long time, to the extent that the people have lost confidence in the many cadres and teachers engaging in political education work. This is not a mistake in political education work. New, these comrades are extremely worried, and many heads of households, old workers and old soldiers are also extremely worried. This is also an important condition for why the extremely small numbers of hostile elements can stir up trouble at present. Our ideological and theoretical battle line comrades certainly must quickly organize forces, decide on plans, and in the shortest possible time successively write out and print a batch of treatises, books, textbooks, and manual books with new content, new ideology and new language to fill this gap. I propose that the Central Propaganda Department takes up the leading responsibility in this work, and I propose that the Party and State should grant awards to books written truly well, through examination and comment, in order to give proper honour to this work that seems common but actually is very arduous.

 

Realizing the Four Modernizations is a many-faceted, complex and strenuous task, the task of ideological and theoretical workers naturally cannot be limited to discussing a few if their basic principles. In front of us, there are large amounts of economic theory problems, including basic theoretical problems, industrial theoretical problems, agricultural theoretical problems, commercial theoretical problems, management theoretical problems, etc. Lenin called to discuss economics more and to discuss politics less. I think that, when talking about the balance between theoretical work in these two aspects, this sentence is still applicable today. However, I do not believe that there are no problems in the political aspect that do not need research anymore, we have overlooked political science, legal science and social science as well as global political research for many years in the past, and must also now make up for this quickly. The absolute majority of our theoretical and ideological workers should intensively study one or a few specializations, all those that can study foreign languages, must study foreign languages, and must study them to the extent that they can read important foreign social sciences works without any difficulty. We already recognize that we are backward in comparison with foreign countries in the natural sciences, now, we should also recognize that we are backward in comparison with foreign countries in social science research work (speaking about the aspects that are comparable). Our level is very low, and there have been no statistics for many continuous years, a situation like this naturally makes earnest social sciences research meet with enormous difficulties. Because of this, our ideological and theoretical workers must be determined, do their utmost to catch up, and certainly must goo deeply into their specialization, go deeply into reality, investigate and research, know both sides, and strictly avoid prattle. If the Four Modernizations have to rely on prattle, they will not happen. Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out the problems of conceit and arrogance, complacency and conservatism, self-delusion and parochialism, our ideological and theoretical workers must similarly try to avoid these. Only by recognizing backwardness can we surmount backwardness. It should be pointed out that  the responsibility for why this situation of backwardness was formed, lies first and foremost with the incorrect leadership method of the Centre and all levels’ Party Committees over ideological and theoretical work, there were too many forbidden areas, and too little concern and support. Today, I self-criticize to everyone on behalf of the Centre. Hereafter, it is required that starting from the Centre, all levels’ Party Committees certainly must put ideological and theoretical work on the correct track and in an important position. We are a large Marxist party, if we ourselves do not give high regard to researching Marxism, and not promote the progress of Marxism according to the development of practice, can we still do our work well? When we say to hold high the banner of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, are these then not becoming empty words?

 

Second, views concerning some theoretical questions

In the recent few months, theoretical workers have raised many problems in discussion. Many problems still need to be researched further. Now, I only speak about a few views concerning some relatively urgent problems.

 

(1) The basic contradictions of Socialist societies and the main contradictions of the present time. Concerning the basic contradictions, I think that the wording of Comrade Mao Zedong from “Concerning the Problem of Correctly Dealing with Contradictions Within the People” is relatively good. Comrade Mao Zedong said: “In Socialist societies, the basic contradiction is still the contradiction between production relationships and productive forces, and the contradictions between the superstructure and the economic basis.” Here, he spoke a long paragraph, which I will not repeat now. Naturally, pointing out these basic contradictions is not completely resolving the problem, deeper concrete research on this is needed. But it can be seen from more than 20 years of practice that, this wording is more appropriate than some other wordings. As for the question what is the main contradiction of the present times, this is also the main problem and central task that the entire Party and people of the entire country must resolve in the present times, because of the decision of the 3rd Plenum to shift the focal point of work to the aspect of Socialist modernization construction, this is actually already resolved. Our productive forces’ development level is very low, and cannot satisfy the needs of the people and the country by far. This is the main contradiction in our present times, and resolving this main contradiction is our central task.

 

(2) Socialist societies’ class struggle. I already said a bit about this problem earlier, when discussing the dictatorship of the proletariat. Class struggle in Socialist societies objectively exists, and should not be reduced, and should also not be exaggerated. Practice demonstrates that regardless of whether it is reducing or exaggerating, both will mean making grave mistakes. As for whether or not some sorts of class struggle will exist throughout the overall historical period of Socialist society, this includes many complex and difficult theoretical and practical problems, which can not only be resolved by relying on citing books of predecessors as authority, everyone may continue to research them. Generally speaking, class struggle in Socialist society today and hereafter, is clearly different from class struggle in class societies in past history, this is also an objective fact, we cannot deny it, and denying it will also mean making grave mistakes.

 

(3) Continuous revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. This wording, according to the interpretation of the time at which it was put forward, means the so-called “capitalist roaders seizing power”, and also means bypassing Party Committees to make a revolution, and overthrow everything, now, practice has already demonstrated this to be a mistake. As for making new interpretation, research may continue within the Party.

 

(4) Can we discuss questions involving a number of wordings of the line of the 11th Party Congress? The Party line is the same as all Party resolutions,  and must always be tested in practice, this is a rationality that Comrade Mao Zedong has said many times. We cannot say that one kind of wording, as soon as it is passed at a Party congress, and before the next congress, may not be subject to necessary revision by the Centre on the basis of real situations, this is a matter that happens often. The line determined by the 11th Party Congress has been subject to a number of necessary revisions by previous Party Congresses and especially the 3rd Plenum because of changes in the real situation or changes in our understanding of the real situation, and perhaps, some necessary adjustments will still be made hereafter. This is completely normal. But according to Party discipline, discussions involving a number of wordings of the line of the 11th Party Congress, apart from where the Centre has already made official decisions, should be limited to appropriate Party meetings and should not exceed this scope.

 

In any case, ideological and theoretical research and discussion must certainly persist in implementing the principle of letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools contend, and must certainly implement the principles of the “Three Noes”, of not seizing other’s faults and blowing them up, not falsely accusing others and not criticizing without basis, we must certainly implement the principles of liberating thoughts, getting rid of superstition and letting everything start from reality. These are all decided upon by the 3rd Plenum, and are hereby reiterated, it is not permitted to waver from them in the slightest.

 

Comrades! This present period is a major transformation period in the history of our Party and our country. Our Party has already led the people in the entire country to victoriously tide over the repeated crises set up for us by the “Gang of Four”, and has changed a country in chaos into a country with order and rapid progress. The great prospect of realizing the Four Modernizations excites, inspires and guides our entire Party, entire army and the people of all ethnicities in the entire country. The broad cadres and masses are all to contribute their forces to strive for this bright path ahead. In this period, the tasks of the ideological and theoretical work battle line are especially heavy. Our Party’s ideological and theoretical teams have already made great achievements after smashing the “Gang of Four”, and have also made important achievements after the 3rd Plenum, any appraisal that these achievements are insufficient are mistaken. But the terrain is developing rapidly, and our work must also develop rapidly. I hope that this important conference can further raise the understanding of the Party’s ideological workers concerning situations, tasks, the Party’s principles and policies and their own work, let them even more closely unite around the Party Centre, and through your highly effective work, let the people of all ethnicities in the entire country even more closely unite around the Chinese Communist Party. Let us be of one heart and one minds, and in order to resolutely implement the principles of the 3rd Plenum, realize the shifting of the focal point of Party work, overcome all difficulties, and fight to obtain the great victory of realizing the Four Modernizations!

坚持四项基本原则

(一九七九年三月三十日)

同志们:

党的理论工作务虚会已经开了一段时间了。在会议 临近结束的时候,我受党中央的委托来向大家讲几点意见。

一、形势和任务

这次会议是根据党的十一届三中全会的决定举行的 。党的十一届三中全会和全会以前的中央工作会议,肯 定了党中央在粉碎“四人帮”以来所进行的巨大工作, 认为揭批林彪、“四人帮”的群众运动就全国范围来说 已经可以胜利结束,决定把全党的工作的着重点从今年 起转移到社会主义现代化建设方面来。三中全会解决了 党的历史上所遗留的一系列重大问题,以便团结全党、 全军和全国各族人民,向着四个现代化的宏伟目标前进 。这两次会议在党的历史上是有重大意义的。在三中全 会以后召开的这次理论工作务虚会上,大家敞开思想, 各抒己见,提出了不少值得注意、需要研究的问题,总 的说来开得是有成绩的。我在中央工作会议上讲过,我 们要解放思想,开动脑筋,实事求是,团结一致向前看 。现在还是要坚定不移地执行这个方针。重要的是,要 从实际出发,密切结合当前的形势和任务,进一步宣传 和贯彻这个方针。

对于粉碎“四人帮”以来特别是三中全会以来的形 势,必须有足够的、全面的估计。粉碎“四人帮”两年 半以来,我们已经基本上摧毁了“四人帮”的反革命政 治势力,调整和充实了各级领导班子,党、政、军的领 导权基本上掌握在人民可以信赖的干部手中,党、政、 军的工作也基本上恢复了正常秩序。这是一个非常重大 和来之不易的成就。我们已经摆脱了林彪、“四人帮” 所造成的十年混乱,获得了一个安定团结的政治局面, 这是我们的社会主义现代化建设事业必不可少的条件和 保证。我们在座的每一个人,我们全党的党员,尤其是 担负领导责任的党员,都要十分注意珍惜和维护这个政 治局面。安定团结当然是有原则的。经过对林彪、“四 人帮”的揭发批判,特别是经过去年冬天的中央工作会 议和三中全会关于思想理论问题的讨论,可以说,在思 想政治方向方面,我们已经基本上回到马列主义、毛泽 东思想的正确轨道上来,我们将永远沿着这个轨道前进 。国民经济状况已经好转,各部门的生产得到迅速恢复 。上述的政治和经济形势,使全党有可能把工作着重点 从今年起转移到社会主义现代化建设上来。这是我国历 史上的一个伟大的转折。虽然过去我们已经进行了多年 的社会主义建设,但是我们仍然有足够的理由说,这是 一个新的历史发展阶段的开端。三个多月形势的发展, 充分证明三中全会的方针是正确的,是受到全党和全国 各族人民坚决拥护的。就全国范围来说,安定团结的局 面正在继续巩固,党内外生动活泼的民主生活正在继续 发展;党的优良传统有了很大恢复,党内外的思想有了 很大解放,实事求是的作风日益深入人心;党的各项政 策的落实调动了党内外千百万人的积极性;三中全会关 于农业的两个文件得到广大农民和农村干部的热烈欢迎。 我国对越南自卫还击战的胜利,大大提高了我国在国际 反霸权主义斗争中的威望,也大大提高了人民解放军在 全国人民中的威望。经过这次自卫还击战,说明我们的 军队仍然不愧是英勇善战的人民解放军,不愧是保卫我 们社会主义现代化建设的伟大长城。

还必须着重指出,两年多来我们进行了大量的外交 工作,为实现四个现代化争取到了一个很好的国际环境 。从这次自卫还击战的国际反应来看,绝大多数人是从 心里同情我们的。现在可以看得更清楚,毛泽东同志在 他晚年为我们制定的关于划分三个世界的战略,关于中 国站在第三世界一边,加强同第三世界国家的团结,争 取第二世界国家共同反霸,并且同美国、日本建立正常 外交关系的决策,是多么英明,多么富有远见。这一国 际战略原则,对于团结世界人民反对霸权主义,改变世 界政治力量对比,对于打破苏联霸权主义企图在国际上 孤立我们的狂妄计划,改善我们的国际环境,提高我国 的国际威望,起了不可估量的作用。

总之,从各方面看,我们国家的面貌比之林彪、“ 四人帮”横行时期已经发生了根本的变化。全党、全军 和全国各族人民,在党中央的正确领导下,对于我们伟 大社会主义祖国的前途,重新充满了希望和信心。谁要 是不充分估计这一切,谁就要犯极大的错误。

另一方面,我们还有困难,而且有些困难是比较严 重的。不看到这一点,也会犯大错误。首先,我们对于 被林彪、“四人帮”长期破坏的我国的经济状况,要有 个清醒的估计,要有个统一的看法。过去十多年来,我 们一直没有摆脱经济比例的严重失调,而没有按比例发 展就不可能有稳定的、确实可靠的高速度。看来,我们 的经济,我们的农业、工业、基建、交通、内外贸易、 财政金融,在总的前进的过程中都还需要有一段调整的 时间,才能由不同程度的不平衡走向比较平衡。这次调 整同六十年代初期的调整不同。这次调整是前进中的调 整,是为了给实现四个现代化打好稳固的基础。但是局 部的后退是必要的,有些不切实际的和对整个经济害多 利少的高指标要坚决降下来,有些管理不善、严重亏损 的企业要限期整顿,甚至于停下来整顿。退一步才能进 两步。同时,为了有效地实现四个现代化,必须认真解 决各种经济体制问题,这也是一种很大规模的很复杂的 调整。我们今年能把第一年的调整工作做好,就是一个 巨大的前进,就是为工作着重点转移创造良好的开端。

在经济比例失调的条件下,下决心进行必要的正确 的调整,是我们的经济走向正常的、稳定的发展的前提 。这在全国解放初期和六十年代初期两次调整的历史经 验已经充分证明了。因此,我们要告诉全国人民,必须 这样做才能更好地前进;在调整的过程中,要坚决相信 和服从党和政府的安排。我们要看到,这次调整工作同 六十年代初期那一次相比,既有许多有利的条件,也有 一些困难。那次调整,各级领导力量和党内外的组织性 纪律性都比现在好,不像现在这样还存在着某些政治上、 思想上的不安定因素。现在,由于林彪、“四人帮”十 年捣乱所欠下的帐和留下的毒,各地的负担很重。林彪、 “四人帮”的流毒,特别是派性和无政府主义的流毒, 同一些怀疑社会主义、怀疑无产阶级专政、怀疑党的领 导、怀疑马列主义毛泽东思想的思潮相结合,开始在一 小部分人中间蔓延。我们有些干部,面对着崭新的历史 任务,思想还不够解放,不善于研究新情况,解决新问 题。此外,小生产的习惯势力和官僚主义的习惯势力, 还顽强地纠缠着我们。很明显,在这种情况下进行涉及 面很广的调整工作,如果没有强有力的集中领导和严格 的组织性纪律性,如果不大力加强稳定社会政治秩序的 工作和教育,如果不坚决搞好党风,进一步恢复党的实 事求是、群众路线和艰苦奋斗的优良传统,就可能出现 一些本来可以避免的大大小小的乱子,使我们的现代化 建设在刚刚迈出第一步的时候就遇到严重的障碍。现在 中央决定,成立财政经济委员会,由陈云、李先念两同 志挂帅,统一管理全国的财政经济工作和目前的调整工 作。中央、国务院和各地领导机构已经采取了并将继续 采取一系列措施,在坚决发扬民主的同时,大力稳定社 会秩序,加强社会主义法制,确保安定团结。中央和各 地党的纪律检查委员会已经陆续成立,它们的主要任务 就是协助中央和各地党委搞好党风。我们完全有信心克 服前进中的暂时的困难,领导全党和全国人民去夺取现 代化建设的胜利。

我们当前以及今后相当长一个历史时期的主要任务 是什么?一句话,就是搞现代化建设。能否实现四个现 代化,决定着我们国家的命运、民族的命运。在中国的 现实条件下,搞好社会主义的四个现代化,就是坚持马 克思主义,就是高举毛泽东思想伟大旗帜。你不抓住四 个现代化,不从这个实际出发,就是脱离马克思主义, 就是空谈马克思主义。社会主义现代化建设是我们当前 最大的政治,因为它代表着人民的最大的利益、最根本 的利益。现在,每一个党员、团员,每一个爱国的公民 ,都必须在党和政府的统一领导下,克服一切困难,千 方百计地为实现四个现代化贡献出一切力量。

二、实现四个现代化必须 坚持四项基本原则

要在本世纪内实现四个现代化,把我国建成一个社 会主义强国,这是一个非常艰巨的任务。

过去搞民主革命,要适合中国情况,走毛泽东同志 开辟的农村包围城市的道路。现在搞建设,也要适合中 国情况,走出一条中国式的现代化道路。
要使中国实现四个现代化,至少有两个重要特点是 必须看到的:

一个是底子薄。帝国主义、封建主义、官僚资本主 义长时期的破坏,使中国成了贫穷落后的国家。建国后 我们的经济建设是有伟大成绩的,建立了比较完整的工 业体系,培养了一批技术人才。我国工农业从解放以来 直到去年的每年平均增长速度,在世界上是比较高的。 但是由于底子太薄,现在中国仍然是世界上很贫穷的国 家之一。中国的科学技术力量很不足,科学技术水平从 总体上看要比世界先进国家落后二三十年。过去三十年 中,我们的经济经过两起两落,特别是林彪、“四人帮 ”在一九六六年到一九七六年这十年对国民经济的大破 坏,后果极其严重。现在我们要调整,也就是为了进一 步消除这个严重的后果。

第二条是人口多,耕地少。现在全国人口有九亿多 ,其中百分之八十是农民。人多有好的一面,也有不利 的一面。在生产还不够发展的条件下,吃饭、教育和就 业就都成为严重的问题。我们要大力加强计划生育工作 ,但是即使若干年后人口不再增加,人口多的问题在一 段时间内也仍然存在。我们地大物博,这是我们的优越 条件。但有很多资源还没有勘探清楚,没有开采和使用 ,所以还不是现实的生产资料。土地面积广大,但是耕 地很少。耕地少,人口多特别是农民多,这种情况不是 很容易改变的。这就成为中国现代化建设必须考虑的特 点。

中国式的现代化,必须从中国的特点出发。比方说 ,现代化的生产只需要较少的人就够了,而我们人口这 样多,怎样两方面兼顾?不统筹兼顾,我们就会长期面 对着一个就业不充分的社会问题。这里问题很多,需要 全党做实际工作和理论工作的同志共同研究,我们也一 定能找出适当的办法来妥善解决。我今天不说这方面的 问题。

我今天要说的是思想政治方面的问题。中央认为, 我们要在中国实现四个现代化,必须在思想政治上坚持 四项基本原则。这是实现四个现代化的根本前提。这四 项是:

第一,必须坚持社会主义道路;

第二,必须坚持无产阶级专政;

第三,必须坚持共产党的领导;

第四,必须坚持马列主义、毛泽东思想。

大家知道,这四项基本原则并不是新的东西,是我 们党长期以来所一贯坚持的。粉碎“四人帮”以至三中 全会以来,党中央实行的一系列方针政策,一直是坚持 这四项基本原则的。

我们从实践上和理论上,都批判了“四人帮”那种 以极左面目出现的主张普遍贫穷的假社会主义。我们坚 持了社会主义公有制和按劳分配的原则。我们坚持自力 更生为主、争取外援为辅、学习和引进外国先进技术发 展我国社会主义经济建设的方针。我们努力按照客观经 济规律办事。也就是说,我们坚持了科学社会主义。

我们粉碎了“四人帮”的封建法西斯主义,平反了 大量冤案,解决了历史上遗留的一系列问题,巩固了无 产阶级专政,恢复和发扬了社会主义民主,特别是三中 全会以后,出现了毛泽东同志生前多年盼望实现的生动 活泼的政治局面。

我们恢复了遭到破坏的党的三大作风,健全了党的 民主集中制,增强了全党的团结、党和群众的团结,从 而大大提高了党的威信,加强了党对国家和社会生活的 领导。

我们破除了林彪和“四人帮”所制造的精神枷锁, 坚持领袖是人不是神;坚持完整地准确地掌握马列主义 、毛泽东思想的科学体系;坚持从实际出发,实事求是 。这就恢复了毛泽东思想的本来面目,维护了毛泽东同 志作为一个伟大革命家在中国革命史和世界革命史上应 当享有的崇高地位。

尽管如此,中央认为今天还是有很大的必要来强调 宣传这四项基本原则。因为现在一方面,党内有一部分 同志还深受林彪、“四人帮”极左思潮的毒害,有极少 数人甚至散布流言蜚语,攻击中央在粉碎“四人帮”以 来特别是三中全会以来所实行的一系列方针政策违反马 列主义、毛泽东思想;另一方面,社会上有极少数人正 在散布怀疑或反对这四项基本原则的思潮,而党内也有 个别同志不但不承认这种思潮的危险,甚至直接间接地 加以某种程度的支持。虽然这几种人在党内外都是极少 数,但是不能因为他们是极少数而忽视他们的作用。事 实证明,他们不但可以而且已经对我们的事业造成很大 的危害。因此,我们必须一方面继续坚定地肃清“四人 帮”的流毒,帮助一部分还在中毒的同志觉悟过来,并 且对极少数人所散布的诽谤党中央的反动言论给予痛击 ;另一方面用巨大的努力同怀疑上面所说的四项基本原 则的思潮作坚决的斗争。这两种思潮都是违背马列主义 、毛泽东思想的,都是妨碍我们的社会主义现代化建设 事业的前进的。关于林彪、“四人帮”所散布的极左思 潮(毫无疑问,这种思潮也是反对四项基本原则的,只 是从“左”面来反对),我们过去已经进行了大量的批 判,今后还需要继续开展这种批判,不能放松。现在, 我想着重对从右面来怀疑或反对四项基本原则的思潮进 行一些批判。

第一条,我们必须坚持社会主义道路。现在有一些 人散布所谓社会主义不如资本主义的言论。一定要彻底 驳倒这种言论。首先,只有社会主义才能救中国,这是 中国人民从五四运动到现在六十年来的切身体验中得出 的不可动摇的历史结论。中国离开社会主义就必然退回 到半封建半殖民地。中国绝大多数人决不允许历史倒退 。其次,社会主义的中国在经济、技术、文化等方面现 在还不如发达的资本主义国家,这是事实。但是这不是 社会主义制度造成的,从根本上说,是解放以前的历史 造成的,是帝国主义和封建主义造成的。社会主义革命 已经使我国大大缩短了同发达资本主义国家在经济发展 方面的差距。我们尽管犯过一些错误,但我们还是在三 十年间取得了旧中国几百年、几千年所没有取得过的进 步。我们的经济建设曾经有过较快的发展速度。现在我 们总结了经验,纠正了错误,毫无疑问将来会比任何资 本主义国家发展得都快,并且比较稳定而持久。至于国 民生产总值按人口平均数赶上和超过发达的资本主义国 家,那当然需要相当长的时间。再次,社会主义制度和 资本主义制度哪个好?当然是社会主义制度好。社会主 义国家所以在某些情况下也犯严重错误,甚至出现林彪 、“四人帮”的破坏这种严重曲折,固然有主观的原因 ,根本上还是旧社会长时期历史遗留的影响造成的,这 种影响不可能在一个早上就用扫帚扫光。有长期封建历 史的资本主义国家如英、法、德、日、意的发展,也都 有过重大的曲折和反复(英、法出现过反革命复辟,德 、日、意出现过法西斯统治)。但是,我们依靠社会主 义制度,用自己的力量比较顺利地战胜了林彪、“四人 帮”,使国家很快又走上了安定团结、健康发展的道路 。社会主义的经济是以公有制为基础的,生产是为了最 大限度地满足人民的物质、文化需要,而不是为了剥削 。由于社会主义制度的这些特点,我国人民能有共同的 政治经济社会理想,共同的道德标准。以上这些,资本 主义社会永远不可能有。资本主义无论如何不能摆脱百 万富翁的超级利润,不能摆脱剥削和掠夺,不能摆脱经 济危机,不能形成共同的理想和道德,不能避免各种极 端严重的犯罪、堕落、绝望。资本主义已经有了几百年 历史,各国人民在资本主义制度下所发展的科学和技术 ,所积累的各种有益的知识和经验,都是我们必须继承 和学习的。我们要有计划、有选择地引进资本主义国家 的先进技术和其他对我们有益的东西,但是我们决不学 习和引进资本主义制度,决不学习和引进各种丑恶颓废 的东西。如果发达的资本主义国家摆脱了资本主义制度 ,它们的经济文化肯定还会有更大的进步。所以资本主 义国家中一切要求社会进步的政治力量也在努力研究和 宣传社会主义,努力为消灭资本主义社会的各种不公道 、不合理现象直至实现社会主义革命而斗争。我们要向 人民特别是青年介绍资本主义国家中进步和有益的东西 ,批判资本主义国家中反动和腐朽的东西。

第二条,我们必须坚持无产阶级专政。我们已经作 了大量的宣传,说明无产阶级专政对于人民来说就是社 会主义民主,是工人、农民、知识分子和其他劳动者所 共同享受的民主,是历史上最广泛的民主。在民主的实 践方面,我们过去作得不够,并且犯过错误。林彪、“ 四人帮”宣传什么“全面专政”,对人民实行封建法西 斯专政,我们已彻底粉碎了这个专政。这与无产阶级专 政毫无共同之点,而且完全相反。现在我们已经坚决纠 正了过去的错误,并且采取各种措施继续努力扩大党内 民主和人民民主。没有民主就没有社会主义,就没有社 会主义的现代化。当然,民主化和现代化一样,也要一 步一步地前进。社会主义愈发展,民主也愈发展。这是 确定无疑的。但是发展社会主义民主,决不是可以不要 对敌视社会主义的势力实行无产阶级专政。我们反对把 阶级斗争扩大化,不认为党内有一个资产阶级,也不认 为在社会主义制度下,在确已消灭了剥削阶级和剥削条 件之后还会产生一个资产阶级或其他剥削阶级。但是我 们必须看到,在社会主义社会,仍然有反革命分子,有 敌特分子,有各种破坏社会主义秩序的刑事犯罪分子和 其他坏分子,有贪污盗窃、投机倒把的新剥削分子,并 且这种现象在长时期内不可能完全消灭。同他们的斗争 不同于过去历史上的阶级对阶级的斗争(他们不可能形 成一个公开的完整的阶级),但仍然是一种特殊形式的 阶级斗争,或者说是历史上的阶级斗争在社会主义条件 下的特殊形式的遗留。对于这一切反社会主义的分子仍 然必须实行专政。不对他们专政,就不可能有社会主义 民主。这种专政是国内斗争,有些同时也是国际斗争, 两者实际上是不可分的。因此,在阶级斗争存在的条件 下,在帝国主义、霸权主义存在的条件下,不可能设想 国家的专政职能的消亡,不可能设想常备军、公安机关 、法庭、监狱等等的消亡。它们的存在同社会主义国家 的民主化并不矛盾,它们的正确有效的工作不是妨碍而 是保证社会主义国家的民主化。事实上,没有无产阶级 专政,我们就不可能保卫从而也不可能建设社会主义。

第三条,我们必须坚持共产党的领导。自有国际共 产主义运动以来,就证明了没有无产阶级的政党就不可 能有国际共产主义运动。自从十月革命以来,更证明了 没有共产党的领导就不可能有社会主义革命,不可能有 无产阶级专政,不可能有社会主义建设。列宁说:“无 产阶级专政是对旧社会的势力和传统进行的顽强斗争, 流血的和不流血的,暴力的和和平的,军事的和经济的 ,教育的和行政的斗争。……没有铁一般的和在斗争中 锻炼出来的党,没有为本阶级全体忠实的人所信赖的党 ,没有善于考察群众情绪和影响群众情绪的党,要顺利 地进行这种斗争是不可能的。”列宁所说的这个真理, 现在仍然有效。在中国,在五四运动以来的六十年中, 除了中国共产党,根本不存在另外一个像列宁所说的联 系广大劳动群众的党。没有中国共产党,就没有社会主 义的新中国。林彪、“四人帮”的倒行逆施所以不但引 起全党而且引起全国人民的坚决反抗,正是因为他们踢 开了久经考验并与人民群众建立了血肉联系的领导者中 国共产党。而粉碎“四人帮”以后特别是三中全会以后 党的威信在全国人民中所以普遍提高,正是因为全国人 民把他们对于前途的一切希望寄托在党的领导上。一九 七六年的天安门广场悼念周恩来总理的群众运动,尽管 不是党有组织地领导的运动,仍然是一个坚决拥护党的 对“四人帮”的运动,参加这个运动的群众的领导而反 革命觉悟同党多年来的教育是不可分的,而且他们中间 的主要积极分子正是党团员。因此,决不能把天安门广 场那个群众运动看成为与党的领导无关的像五四运动那 样纯粹自发的运动。事实上,离开了中国共产党的领导, 谁来组织社会主义的经济、政治、军事和文化?谁来组 织中国的四个现代化?在今天的中国,决不应该离开党 的领导而歌颂群众的自发性。党的领导当然不会没有错 误,而党如何才能密切联系群众,实施正确的和有效的 领导,也还是一个必须认真考虑和努力解决的问题,但 是这决不能成为要求削弱和取消党的领导的理由。我们 党经历过多次错误,但是我们每一次都依靠党而不是离 开党纠正了自己的错误。今天的党中央坚持发扬党的民 主和人民民主,并且坚决纠正过去所犯的错误。在这样 的情况下,竟然要求削弱甚至取消党的领导,更是广大 群众所不能容许的。这事实上只能导致无政府主义,导 致社会主义事业的瓦解和覆灭。林彪、“四人帮”踢开 党委闹革命,闹出一场什么“革命”,大家都很清楚。 今天如果踢开党委闹民主,会闹出一场什么“民主”, 难道不同样清楚吗?一九六六年本来是中国经济经过几 年调整得到迅速发展的一年,但是林彪、“四人帮”一 闹,经济受到了严重破坏。现在中国经济正在党中央和 国务院的领导下重新走上健康发展的道路,如果再让有 些人到处踢开党委去闹,那就只能把四个现代化吹得精 光。这不是危言耸听,而是大量实践所证明了的客观真 理。

第四条,我们必须坚持马列主义、毛泽东思想。我 们同林彪、“四人帮”斗争的中心内容之一,就是反对 他们伪造、篡改、割裂马列主义、毛泽东思想。我们粉 碎了“四人帮”,使马列主义、毛泽东思想重新恢复了 它的科学面目,成为我们行动的指南。这是全党和全国 人民的一个伟大胜利。但是有极少数人不这样想。他们 或者公然反对马列主义的基本原理,或者口头上拥护马 列主义,但是反对马列主义普遍真理与中国革命实践相 结合而产生的毛泽东思想。我们必须反对所有这些错误 的思潮。有些同志说,我们只拥护“正确的毛泽东思想 ”,而不拥护“错误的毛泽东思想”。这种说法也是错 误的。我们坚持的和要当作行动指南的是马列主义、毛 泽东思想的基本原理,或者说是由这些基本原理构成的 科学体系。至于个别的论断,那末,无论马克思、列宁 和毛泽东同志,都不免有这样那样的失误。但是这些都 不属于马列主义、毛泽东思想的基本原理所构成的科学 体系。

现在我着重谈谈毛泽东思想。中国反帝反封建革命 经历过无数次悲惨的失败。难道不是毛泽东思想才使约 占全人类四分之一的中国人民找到正确的革命道路,并 在一九四九年获得全国解放,在一九五六年基本上完成 社会主义改造吗?这一系列伟大的胜利不但根本改变了 中国的命运,也改变了世界的形势。毛泽东思想在世界 上是同反霸权主义的斗争分不开的,而打着社会主义旗 号实行霸权主义正是取得了政权的马列主义党背叛社会 主义原则的最显著标志。我们在前面说,毛泽东同志在 他的晚年还提出了关于三个世界划分的战略思想,并且 亲自开创了中美关系和中日关系的新阶段,从而为世界 反霸斗争和世界政治前途创造了新的发展条件。我们能 在今天的国际环境中着手进行四个现代化建设,不能不 铭记毛泽东同志的功绩。毛泽东同志同任何别人一样, 也有他的缺点和错误。但是,在他的伟大的一生中的这 些错误,怎么能够同他对人民的不朽贡献相比拟呢?在 分析他的缺点和错误的时候,我们当然要承认个人的责 任,但是更重要的是要分析历史的复杂的背景。只有这 样,我们才是公正地、科学地、也就是马克思主义地对 待历史,对待历史人物。如果谁在对待这样严肃的问题 上离开了马克思主义,那末,他就会受到党和群众的责 难。这有什么奇怪呢?

毛泽东思想过去是中国革命的旗帜,今后将永远是 中国社会主义事业和反霸权主义事业的旗帜,我们将永 远高举毛泽东思想的旗帜前进。

毛泽东同志的事业和思想,都不只是他个人的事业 和思想,同时是他的战友、是党、是人民的事业和思想 ,是半个多世纪中国人民革命斗争经验的结晶。这正如 马克思的情况一样。恩格斯在评价马克思的时候说,现 代无产阶级只是依赖马克思才第一次意识到本身的地位 和要求,意识到本身的解放条件。这难道是说个人创造 了历史吗?历史是人民创造的,但是这丝毫不排斥人民 对于杰出的个人的尊敬;而尊敬,当然不是迷信,不是 把他当作神。

总之,为了实现四个现代化,我们必须坚持社会主 义道路,坚持无产阶级专政,坚持共产党的领导,坚持 马列主义、毛泽东思想。中央认为,今天必须反复强调 坚持这四项基本原则,因为某些人(哪怕只是极少数人 )企图动摇这些基本原则。这是决不许可的。每个共产 党员,更不必说每个党的思想理论工作者,决不允许在 这个根本立场上有丝毫动摇。如果动摇了这四项基本原 则中的任何一项,那就动摇了整个社会主义事业,整个 现代化建设事业。

中央这样提出问题,是不是小题大作?不是的。情 况的发展使党不能不这样提出问题。

最近一段时间内,在一些地方出现了少数人的闹事 现象。有些坏分子不但不接受党和政府的负责人的引导 、劝告、解释,并且提出种种在目前不可能实现的或者 根本不合理的要求,煽动、诱骗一部分群众冲击党政机 关,占领办公室,实行静坐绝食,阻断交通,严重破坏 工作秩序、生产秩序和社会秩序。

不但如此,他们还耸人听闻地提出什么“反饥饿” 、“要人权”等口号,在这些口号下煽动一部分人游行 示威,蓄谋让外国人把他们的言论行动拿到世界上去广 为宣传。有个所谓“中国人权小组”,居然贴出大字报 ,要求美国总统“关怀”中国的人权。这种公然要求外 国人干涉中国内政的行为,是我们能够允许的吗?有个 所谓“解冻社”,发表了一个宣言,公开反对无产阶级 专政,说这是分裂人类的。我们能够允许这种公开反对 宪法原则的“言论自由”吗?

上海有个所谓“民主讨论会”,其中有些人诽谤毛 泽东同志,打出大幅反革命标语,鼓吹“万恶之源是无 产阶级专政”,要“坚决彻底批判中国共产党”。他们 认为资本主义比社会主义好,因此中国现在不是搞四个 现代化的问题,而是应当实行他们的所谓“社会改革” ,也就是搞资本主义那一套。他们公开声言,他们的任 务就是要解决“四人帮”没有解决的那些“走资派”。 他们中间有的人要求到外国去“政治避难”,有的人甚 至秘密同蒋特机构发生联系,策划破坏活动。

很明显,这些人就是要千方百计地破坏我们工作着 重点的转移。我们如果对这些严重现象熟视无睹,那我 们的各级党政机关都只有被他们困扰得无法进行工作, 还有什么可能考虑四个现代化?

这些事件诚然是极少数,并且受到了绝大多数人的 抵制,但是值得严重注意。第一,这些人一般都打着所 谓民主的幌子,很容易淆惑视听。第二,这些人利用林 彪、“四人帮”时期遗留下来的一些社会问题,很容易 蒙蔽一部分目前有困难而政府一时还不能完全予以解决 的群众。第三,这些人开始结成各种秘密的或者半公开 的组织,一面在全国范围内互相串联,一面同台湾以及 国外的政治力量相勾结。第四,这些人中还有一部分人 同社会上的一些流氓组织以及“四人帮”的一些党羽相 勾结,以扩大他们的破坏活动的范围。第五,这些人力 图利用我们某些同志的这样或那样的不慎重的言论,作 为他们的借口或护身符。以上的情况说明,同这些人的 斗争不是很简单的、短时间就可以解决的问题。我们必 须努力做好工作,把受他们蒙蔽的群众(其中许多是天 真的青年)同这些反革命分子、坏分子分离开来,要按 照法律,对这些反革命分子、坏分子进行严肃的处理。 同时,我们也必须教育全党同志务必注意提高警惕,照 顾大局,在中央的领导下团结一致,既要继续解放思想 ,坚决发扬民主,调动一切积极因素,又要努力克服一 小部分群众特别是一小部分青年中间的思想混乱。

我们一定要向人民和青年着重讲清楚民主问题。社 会主义道路、无产阶级专政、共产党的领导、马列主义 毛泽东思想,都同民主问题有关。什么是中国人民今天 所需要的民主呢?中国人民今天所需要的民主,只能是 社会主义民主或称人民民主,而不是资产阶级的个人主 义的民主。人民的民主同对敌人的专政分不开,同民主 基础上的集中也分不开。我们实行的是民主集中制,这 就是民主基础上的集中和集中指导下的民主相结合。民 主集中制是社会主义制度的一个不可分的组成部分。在 社会主义制度之下,个人利益要服从集体利益,局部利 益要服从整体利益,暂时利益要服从长远利益,或者叫 做小局服从大局,小道理服从大道理。我们提倡和实行 这些原则,决不是说可以不注意个人利益,不注意局部 利益,不注意暂时利益,而是因为在社会主义制度之下 ,归根结底,个人利益和集体利益是统一的,局部利益 和整体利益是统一的,暂时利益和长远利益是统一的。 我们必须按照统筹兼顾的原则来调节各种利益的相互关 系。如果相反,违反集体利益而追求个人利益,违反整 体利益而追求局部利益,违反长远利益而追求暂时利益 ,那末,结果势必两头都受损失。民主和集中的关系, 权利和义务的关系,归根结底,就是以上所说的各种利 益的相互关系在政治上和法律上的表现。正因为这样, 毛泽东同志才说,我们的目标,是想造成一个又有集中 又有民主,又有纪律又有自由,又有统一意志、又有个 人心情舒畅、生动活泼,那样一种政治局面。这就是社 会主义民主的政治局面,这就是我们今天和今后所要努 力实现的政治局面。

我们过去对民主宣传得不够,实行得不够,制度上 有许多不完善,因此,继续努力发扬民主,是我们全党 今后一个长时期的坚定不移的目标。但是我们在宣传民 主的时候,一定要把社会主义民主同资产阶级民主、个 人主义民主严格地区别开来,一定要把对人民的民主和 对敌人的专政结合起来,把民主和集中、民主和法制、 民主和纪律、民主和党的领导结合起来。在我们目前经 济生活还面临一系列困难,还需要进行一系列调整、整 顿和改组的时候,特别要着重宣传个人利益服从集体利 益、局部利益服从整体利益、暂时利益服从长远利益的 道理。只有党内党外上上下下人人都注意照顾大局,我 们才能够顺利地克服困难,争取四个现代化的光明前途 。反之,如果离开四项基本原则,抽象地空谈民主,那 就必然会造成极端民主化和无政府主义的严重泛滥,造 成安定团结政治局面的彻底破坏,造成四个现代化的彻 底失败。那样,我们同林彪、“四人帮”的十年斗争就 等于白费,中国就将重新陷于混乱、分裂、倒退和黑暗 ,中国人民就将失去一切希望。这不但是全国各族人民 所极为关心的问题,也是全世界一切愿意中国强大的人 们,甚至仅仅愿意同中国发展贸易的人们所极为关心的 问题。

这里还要提出一个社会风气问题。我们建国以后的 十多年中,由于党和政府的正确领导,社会风气是健康 的。在党的教育下成长起来的青少年,绝大多数怀抱崇 高理想,热爱社会主义祖国,积极响应党和政府的号召 ,捍卫人民利益,维护社会秩序,处处表现良好的献身 精神和守纪律精神。青少年的这种风气和整个社会的风 气互相影响,互相促进,受到全国人民和各国人士的赞 许。但是过去的十来年中,林彪、“四人帮”把我们的 党和政府搞乱了,把我们的社会搞乱了,也把不少青少 年毒害了,社会主义的道德风尚受到了严重的损害。粉 碎“四人帮”以后,情况有了很大的好转,但是他们的 流毒在某些范围内还不能低估。这种情况,同全党工作 着重点转移的需要极端不相适应。我们提倡中国人和外 国人发展正常交往,这对于加强我国和各国人民的了解 和友谊是必要的,对于引进国外技术和资金也是必要的 ,今后这种交往还会日益增多。但是由于对少数青少年 的教育和管理不够,也出现了一些不健康的现象。一些 青年男女盲目地羡慕资本主义国家,有些人在同外国人 交往中甚至不顾自己的国格和人格。这种情况必须引起 我们的认真注意。我们一定要教育好我们的后一代,一 定要从各方面采取有效的措施,搞好我们的社会风气, 打击那些严重败坏社会风气的恶劣行为。

为了促进社会风气的进步,首先必须搞好党风,特 别是要求党的各级领导同志以身作则。党是整个社会的 表率,党的各级领导同志又是全党的表率。如果党的组 织把群众的意见和利害放在一边,不闻不问,怎么能要 求群众信任和爱戴这样的党组织的领导呢?如果党的领 导干部自己不严格要求自己,不遵守党纪国法,违反党 的原则,闹派性,搞特殊化,走后门,铺张浪费,损公 利私,不与群众同甘苦,不实行吃苦在先、享受在后, 不服从组织决定,不接受群众监督,甚至对批评自己的 人实行打击报复,怎么能指望他们改造社会风气呢!在 目前的历史转变时期,问题堆积成山,工作百端待举, 加强党的领导,端正党的作风,具有决定的意义。毛泽东同志说:“只要我们党的作风完全正派了,全国人民 就会跟我们学。党外有这种不良风气的人,只要他们是 善良的,就会跟我们学,改正他们的错误,这样就会影 响全民族。”只有搞好党风,才能转变社会风气,才能 坚持四项基本原则。

以上所说的,同三中全会的精神有没有不一致的地 方?没有。这里所说的一切,都是为贯彻执行三中全会 各项方针政策所必须采取的措施。再说一遍,不采取这 些措施,三中全会的方针政策就要落空,工作着重点的 转移就要落空,四个现代化建设就要落空,党内外民主 生活的发展也要落空。因此,有人把中央的方针说成是 “收”了,说中央把发扬民主的方针改变了,这是完全 错误的。只有坚持我们党历来坚持的四项基本原则,坚 决克服妨碍实现三中全会方针政策的不良倾向,我们才 能坚定地向着我们的宏伟目标胜利前进。

三、思想理论工作的任务

中央和各省、市、自治区的理论工作务虚会提出的 问题很多,我现在不能一一解答。我今天想就思想理论 工作的任务,讲下面两个问题。我了解的情况不多,尤 其对于地方的情况了解更少,讲得是否完全恰当,请同 志们考虑。

第一,对当前思想理论工作的一些要求。
马克思主义的思想理论工作是不能离开现实政治的 。我这里说的政治,是国内外阶级斗争的大局,是中国 人民和世界人民在现实斗争中的根本利害。不能设想, 离开政治的大局,不研究政治的大局,不估计革命斗争 的实际发展,能成为一个马克思主义的思想家、理论家 。如果那样,我们在去年用大半年时间讨论实践是检验 真理的标准的问题,还有什么意义呢?科学社会主义是 在实际斗争中发展着,马列主义、毛泽东思想是在实际 斗争中发展着。我们当然不会由科学的社会主义退回到 空想的社会主义,也不会让马克思主义停留在几十年或 一百多年前的个别论断的水平上。所以我们反复说,解 放思想,就是要运用马列主义、毛泽东思想的基本原理 ,研究新情况,解决新问题。

什么是我国今天最重要的新情况,最重要的新问题 呢?当然就是实现四个现代化,或者像我在前面说的, 实现中国式的现代化。我们已经说过,深入研究中国实 现四个现代化所遇到的新情况、新问题,并且作出有重 大指导意义的答案,这将是我们思想理论工作者对马克 思主义的重大贡献,对毛泽东思想旗帜的真正高举。当 然这决不是说,凡是同实现四个现代化没有直接关系的 思想理论问题就可以不去认真深入地研究。哲学、社会 科学同自然科学一样,决不能忽视基础理论的研究,这 些研究是理论工作的任何巨大前进所不可缺少的。

我在讲话的第二部分提出的实现四个现代化所必须
坚持的四项基本原则,虽然我已经说过都不是什么新问 题,但是这些原则在目前的新形势下却都有新的意义, 都需要根据新的丰富的事实作出新的有充分说服力的论 证。这样才能够教育全国人民,全国青年,全国工人, 解放军全体指战员,也才能够说服那些向今天的中国寻 求真理的人们。这是一项十分重大的任务,既是重大的 政治任务,又是重大的理论任务。这决不是改头换面地 抄袭旧书本所能完成的工作,而是要费尽革命思想家心 血的崇高的创造性的科学工作。由于林彪、“四人帮” 的十年捣乱,思想战线上长期间充满了胡言乱语,以至 人们对于从事政治教育工作的许多干部和教师失掉了信 任。这不是政治教育工作者的过错。现在这些同志十分 苦恼,许多家长、老工人、老战士也都十分苦恼。这也 是目前极少数敌对分子所以能够兴风作浪的一个重要条 件。我们思想理论战线的同志们一定要赶快组织力量, 定好计划,在尽可能短的时间里陆续写出并印出一批有 新内容、新思想、新语言的有分量的论文、书籍、读本 、教科书来,填补这个空白。我提议中央宣传部把对这 项工作的领导责任担当起来,并且提议,对于确实写得 好的著作,经过评审,应该由党和国家发给奖金,以便 给这项看来似乎平凡实则很艰苦的工作以应有的荣誉。

实现四个现代化是一项多方面的复杂繁重的任务, 思想理论工作者的任务当然不能限于讨论它的一些基本 原则。我们面前有大量的经济理论问题,包括基本理论 问题、工业理论问题、农业理论问题、商业理论问题、 管理理论问题等等。列宁号召多谈些经济,少谈些政治 。我想,对于这两方面理论工作的比例来说,这句话今 天仍然适用。不过我并不认为政治方面已经没有问题需 要研究,政治学、法学、社会学以及世界政治的研究, 我们过去多年忽视了,现在也需要赶快补课。我们绝大 多数思想理论工作者都应该钻研一门到几门专业,凡是 能学外国语的都要学外国语,要学到能毫无困难地阅读 外国的重要社会科学著作。我们已经承认自然科学比外 国落后了,现在也应该承认社会科学的研究工作(就可 比的方面说)比外国落后了。我们的水平很低,好多年 连统计数字都没有,这样的情况当然使认真的社会科学 的研究遇到极大的困难。因此,我们的思想理论工作者 必须下定决心,急起直追,一定要深入专业,深入实际 ,调查研究,知彼知己,力戒空谈。四个现代化靠空谈 是化不出来的。毛泽东同志指出的骄傲自满、故步自封 、夜郎自大的毛病,我们的思想理论工作者同样要竭力 避免。承认落后才能克服落后。应该指出,所以形成这 种落后状况,责任首先在于中央和各级党委对于思想理 论工作的领导方法不对,禁区太多,关心和支持太少。 今天我代表中央向大家作自我批评。今后要求从中央起 ,各级党委一定要把思想理论工作放在正确轨道和重要 地位上。我们是一个马克思主义的大党,我们自己不重 视马克思主义的研究,不按照实践的发展来推动马克思 主义的前进,我们的工作还能够做得好吗?我们讲高举 马列主义、毛泽东思想的旗帜,不就成了说空话吗?

第二,对几个理论问题的看法。
在近几个月理论工作者的讨论中,提出的问题很多 。许多问题还需要继续研究。现在我只就几个比较迫切 的问题说一点看法。

(一)社会主义社会的基本矛盾和目前时期的主要 矛盾。关于基本矛盾,我想现在还是按照毛泽东同志在 《关于正确处理人民内部矛盾的问题》一文中的提法比 较好。毛泽东同志说:“在社会主义社会中,基本的矛 盾仍然是生产关系和生产力之间的矛盾,上层建筑和经 济基础之间的矛盾。”他在这里说了很长的一段话,现 在不重复。当然,指出这些基本矛盾,并不就完全解决 了问题,还需要就此作深入的具体的研究。但是从二十 多年的实践看来,这个提法比其他的一些提法妥当。至 于什么是目前时期的主要矛盾,也就是目前时期全党和 全国人民所必须解决的主要问题或中心任务,由于三中 全会决定把工作重点转移到社会主义现代化建设方面来 ,实际上已经解决了。我们的生产力发展水平很低,远 远不能满足人民和国家的需要,这就是我们目前时期的 主要矛盾,解决这个主要矛盾就是我们的中心任务。

(二)社会主义社会的阶级斗争。这个问题,我在 前面讲无产阶级专政的时候已经说到一些。社会主义社 会中的阶级斗争是一个客观存在,不应该缩小,也不应 该夸大。实践证明,无论缩小或者夸大,两者都要犯严 重的错误。至于整个社会主义社会历史时期是否始终存 在某种阶级斗争,这里包括许多理论上和实践上复杂和 困难的问题,不是只靠引证前人的书本所能够解决的, 大家可以继续研究。总之,社会主义社会目前和今后的 阶级斗争,显然不同于过去历史上阶级社会的阶级斗争 ,这也是客观的事实,我们不能否认,否认了也要犯严 重的错误。

(三)无产阶级专政下继续革命。这个提法,如果 按照提出的当时的解释,即所谓“向走资派夺权”,也 就是撇开党委闹革命,打倒一切,那么实践已经证明是 错误的。至于作出新的解释,可以在党内继续研究。

(四)涉及党的十一大路线一些提法的问题是否可 以讨论?党的路线同党的一切决议一样,总是要在实践 中受检验的,这是毛泽东同志讲过多次的道理。不能说 一种提法一经党的代表大会通过,就不能对它的正确性 作任何讨论,否则下次代表大会怎么会提出新的提法呢? 党的历届代表大会的决议,在下届代表大会之前,中央 根据实际情况的变化而不得不作出必要的修改,是常有 的事。党的十一大制定的路线,也由于实际情况的变化 和对于实际情况认识的变化,由历届中央全会特别是三 中全会作了一些必要的调整,今后也还可能作某些必要 的调整。这是完全正常的。但是按照党的纪律,对于涉 及十一大路线一些提法的讨论,除了中央已经正式决定 的以外,应该限于党的适当的会议,不应该超出这个范 围。

无论如何,思想理论问题的研究和讨论,一定要坚 决执行百花齐放、百家争鸣的方针,一定要坚决执行不 抓辫子、不戴帽子、不打棍子的“三不主义”的方针, 一定要坚决执行解放思想、破除迷信、一切从实际出发 的方针。这些都是三中全会决定了的,现在重申一遍, 不允许有丝毫动摇。

同志们!目前这个时期是我们党和我们国家的历史 上的一个重大转折时期。我们党已经领导全国人民胜利 地渡过了“四人帮”给我们设下的重重难关,把一个混 乱的国家变成了一个有秩序的、进步很快的国家。实现 四个现代化的伟大前景激动着、鼓舞着、引导着我们全 党、全军和全国各族人民。广大干部、群众都在争着为 这个光明前途贡献力量。在这个时期,思想理论工作战 线的任务特别重大。我们党的思想理论队伍在粉碎“四 人帮”以后已经作出了巨大的成绩,在三中全会以后也 作出了重要的成绩,对这些成绩的任何估计不足都是错 误的。但是形势在迅速发展,我们的工作也需要迅速发 展。我希望这次重要的会议能使党的思想理论工作者对 形势、任务、党的方针政策和自己的工作的认识提高一 步,更紧密地团结在党中央的周围,并且通过你们的卓 有成效的工作,把全国各族人民更紧密地团结在中国共 产党的周围。让我们同心同德,为坚定不移地贯彻执行 三中全会的方针,实现党的工作着重点的转移,克服一 切困难,取得实现四个现代化的伟大胜利而奋斗!

2 thoughts on “Persisting in the Four Cardinal Principles

    […] grouping of these Eight Musts has, in turn, been added to the Four Cardinal Principles put forward by Deng Xiaoping, creating Five Cardinal Principles (wuge jiben 五个基本) for […]

    […] here refers to the central position of economic development, the two basic points consist of the Four Cardinal Principles on the one hand and reform and opening up on the other. Deng also reiterates his objective of […]

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