Introduction at the Conference on Theory Work Principles

Hu Yaobang

18 January 1979

I, The origins, objectives and discussion method of this Conference

The Conference on Theory Work Principles has begun today. First, let’s talk about the origins and discussion method of this Meeting

After smashing the “Gang of Four”, our ideological and theory battle line is faced with the work to bring order out of chaos, and effect radical reform. This work is to be conducted at the same time as organizational investigations. Since two years, under the direct leadership of the Party Centre, through soul-stirring struggle, this work has obtained great achievements. Smashing the spiritual shackles of Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”, has been a great fight between the scientific ideological system of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought with anti-Marxist, anti-Mao Zedong Thought and anti-science ideological systems. That it was put forward in the “11th Party Congress” political report of August last year, to comprehensively and correctly understand and grasp the system of Mao Zedong thought, was in order to thoroughly criticize that anti-science and false Marxist ideological system of Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”. But because of all kinds of different situations and reasons, in our Party, and especially concerning the ideological and theory battle line, there are irregularities in the understanding of these major theoretical principles and questions put forward by the Party Centre. Some comrades, although they approve of the Centre’s wording of “comprehensive and correct”, their understanding is not deep, and these or those kinds of erroneous viewpoints even exist.

By May last year, one important development in the ideological and theory battle line, is the beginning of the discussion about practice being the sole criterion to examine truth. The importance of this discussion is that it makes the ideology of the entire Party and the entire people re-unite on the basis of Comrade Mao Zedong’s “Theory of Practice”, reiterates Comrade Mao Zedong’s viewpoint that consistent stressed that practice comes first in the epistemology of historical materialism, and reiterates that only social practice of the numerous people, is a measure of truth. Although this is common knowledge in Marxism, but it has been forgotten for many years, and has even been reverted. The reformulation of this problem, really strikes at the vital parts of those anti-science ideological systems of Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”, and has moved forward the general exposure and criticism against the false Marxist theories of Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”. At the same time, it has also deeply stirred up the question of the people’s general approach to Marxism. This has led to a storm in our country’s ideological and theory battle line. Some comrades have tied large labels to the article of “Practice Is the Sole Criterion to Examine Truth” as well as other articles and speeches participating in the discussion, and have even said that it is “losing the knife”, is “non-Maoist” and is “opposing the banner”.

On 2 June last year, Comrade Deng Xiaoping incisively elaborated Comrade Mao Zedong’s basic viewpoint  and basic method of Marxism with seeking truth from facts, everything starting from reality, and integrating theory and practice at the military political work meeting, and criticized those ideological trends opposing truth from facts and opposing that practice is the sole criterion to examine truth, making this discussion rise to new levels. Many provinces, cities, autonomous regions and military units’ leading comrades and theory workers vigorously participated in this discussion. The broad cadres and popular masses were extremely concerned with this. This discussion already has had a huge stimulating function in our real work. In September last year, the “Red Flag” magazine publisher wrote a long article entitled “Reviving the ‘Theory of Practice’ – on the Criterion of Practice Being the Basis of Marxist Epistemology”, the article was delivered to the Standing Committee of the Politburo. Comrade Ye Jianying suggested to the Politburo to convene a Conference on Theory Work Principles, for everyone to bring forward different opinions, unite understandings and resolve these questions on the basis of full democratic discussion.

At the recently-organized Central Working Conference and the Third Plenary, many situations were brought forward and not a few questions were raised concerning this theoretical discussion, and not a few critical opinions were put forward to some comrades, which created beneficial conditions for organizing the Conference on Theory Work Principles.

When we organize a Conference on Theory Work Principles like this, which objectives must we reach? First, we must summarize the basic experiences and lessons from the theoretical and propaganda battle line. When summarizing experiences, we may summarize two years, we may also summarize ten years or thirty years. In the thirty years since founding the State, there are many experiences and there are also many lessons concerning the theoretical and propaganda battle line, we must summarize both the positive and negative experiences, clearly discuss major principles and questions in ideology and theory, and unite on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. Second, we must research the basic tasks of ideology and theory work after the core of the entire Party’s work shifts. These two objectives are mutually linked. Summarizing past experiences and lessons, is also to look ahead, to do our work even better from now on, and make theory work to develop even more flourishingly and prosperously.

As to the method of this meeting, the sort of mood of the Third Plenum and the Central Working Conference shall be spread, everyone is to liberate thoughts, use their brains, speak out freely, fully resume and carry forward intra-Party democracy and the fine traditions of seeking truth from facts, the mass line, criticism and self-criticism, clearly distinguish right and wrong, and strengthen the unity of all theoretical and propaganda teams. Generally speaking, the meeting is divided into two sessions. The first session is organized by the Central Propaganda Department and the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. More than one hundred comrades from Central and Beijing theory and propaganda work units are invited to participate, and all provinces and cities also sent a liaison. The meeting starts today, and will run until the 26th, after which it is adjourned for five days to celebrate the Spring Festival. It will resume on 1 February, and run until about 12 February. After a few days of rest, the second phase of the meeting is entered, which is envisaged to be convened under the name of the Centre, and will again last for about ten days. Comrades from all provinces and cities are invited to participate, and it is broadened to 400-500 people. The first phase will mainly be conducted in small groups, the second phase will mainly be conducted in plenary sessions. Finally, the Party Centre Chairman and Vice-Chairman are invited to present a report. In order to hold this meeting well, we have established one leading small group of eleven people. At the same time, 21 elders and old comrades  who have done ideological and theoretical work in our party for a long time have been invited, and they have been requested to act as guidance. At the same time as our meeting, it is hoped that provinces, cities and autonomous regions can also convene Conference on Theory Work Principles, in order to achieve the effect that high and low work in concert, and there is mutual exchange.

II, An appraisal of trends in the ideological and theoretical battle line in the last two years

In the last two years, the struggle to uncover and criticize the “Gang of Four” of our Party’s leadership, not only gained a great victory politically and organizationally, it also gained an equally great victory in the ideological and theoretical battle line. Ideology circles, theory circles, news circles, culture and art circles and science circles conducted deep criticism of the large amounts of absurd anti-Marxist theories of Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”, such as the “Great Man Theory”, the “Everything Starts from Books Theory”, “Repudiating the Theory of Omnipotence of Productive Forces”, the “Theory that Distribution According to Work Done Creates a Capitalist Class”, the “Total Dictatorship Theory”, the “Theory that there Is a Capitalist Class within the Party”, the “Theory that in the Socialist Era, Only Rightism Can Be Criticized and ‘Leftism’ Cannot”, the “Struggle Between Confucianists and Legalists”, the “Black Line Dictatorship Theory”, the “Three Standouts Theory”, the “Theory Opposing Science to Be a Productive Force”, etc., and broke through all sorts of forbidden zones they erected, utilized the keen weapons of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, to distinguish ideological right and wrong, theoretical right and wrong, line right and wrong and policy right and wrong that they entangled. The ideology of the entire Party and the people of the entire country has been  greatly liberated.

These two years of ideological and theoretical work, have exceeded any period since the founding of the country when talking about their scale, talking about their struggle function, and talking about their raising the entire Party’s theoretical level, and it may be said that they are the most outstanding two years with the most achievements since the Yan’an Rectification. Marx said: “The extent to which theory is realized in a country, depends on the extend to which theory satisfies the requirements of that country.” Why these two years of theoretical work have achieved such a great progress, is basically because of the requirements of the struggle and the requirements of the popular masses’ practice. The people have never been so concerned with theoretical work as today. The discussion concerning the three questions of practice being the sole criterion to examine truth, concerning democracy and the legal system and concerning distribution according to work done have attracted the participation of the broad popular masses and especially the youth. The fact that theoretical work has become such a truly mass activity as today, has rarely occurred in history. Whatever mass theory teams the “Gang of Four” came up with, they were false, and in reality deceived the masses. When we open our eyes to the world, there aren’t very many nations that are so concerned about theoretical questions as the Chinese people, and so interested in theory. This is a sort of praiseworthy spirit of the nation. More than one hundred years ago, Engels pointed out when talking about the German working classes’ theoretical interest that ” here, there aren’t any misgivings about status or interest and there is no thinking about imploring the superiors of protection. Comrades, isn’t the theoretical interest that burst forth in our Party and the people of our country, exactly that?

Our theory and propaganda teams have also seen heartening changes over the last two years. These teams’ advance and progress in struggle has been very large. What especially causes gladness, is that in the great struggle to expose and criticize Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”, a large batch of path breakers have merged that link theory to reality, are closely connected with the masses, and are good at considering problems. It should be considered that the ideological and theoretical battle line in these two years has not been tranquil, and that there have been these several storms. These comrades have been at the head of the assault in the struggle, and have proved to be vanguard fighters for the ideological and theoretical battle line. They dare to seek truth from facts, get rid of superstition, withstand all sorts of reproach and censure, and do not fear labels and sticks that fly towards them. They clearly show their colours, their position is firm, they grasp truth, carry everything before themselves, dare to think, dare to speak, dare to do and dare to charge. This sort of dauntless and thorough spirit of materialism is extremely praiseworthy. The emergence of this batch of excellent path breakers has strengthened the force of our Marxist theory teams, and is an amazing harvest. We must earnestly foster and raise them, and make them give rein to an even larger function in theoretical and propaganda battle lines.

At this meeting, we must summarize the great progress in these two years of theoretical and propaganda work and the experience of theory and propaganda team growth. At the same time, we must also consider insufficient work, and consider the greave defects and problems existing in our theory and propaganda battle line. At present, one prominent problem in the theory and propaganda battle line is that a considerable number of comrades’ ideologies still remain in a state of rigidity or semi-rigidity. A small number of comrades even dropped out, and left the ideological line of seeking truth from facts, set up forbidden zones, issued prohibitions, and became an obstacle to liberating thoughts. We shall research where the crux that engendered these phenomena is. We see that one important ideological root is to despise practice and despise the masses. There are a number of comrades among us that aren’t willing to implement Comrade Mao Zedong’s instruction to cast eyes downward, and go to listen attentively to the voices of practice and the masses, but disdain to investigate conditions at the lower levels, only start from books, documents and higher-level instructions, and even only believe their own small circles, and have no contact with the people. Naturally, this is very dangerous. Such theoretical work has lost the source and will inevitably walk wrong paths.

The ideological battle line is a battle line where mistakes are easily made. If it is separated from reality and separated from the masses, mistakes are even more easily made. We shall permit mistakes to be made on theoretical questions. Comrades making mistakes must be helped, comrades making mistakes shall also summarize their experience and lessons, to progress somewhat. We must advocate the dispute between different viewpoints concerning theoretical questions, advocate criticism and counter-criticism concerning theoretical articles, and truly carry forward a democratic style of study.

How to conduct criticism and self-criticism concerning the theoretical battle line, is a very important question. Over the last few days, the “People’s Daily” published articles by two specially-arranged commentators, one is called “Carrying Forward the Fine Atmosphere of Criticism and Self-Criticism”, the other is called “Uniting and Looking Ahead”. The two articles are written by the Central Organization Department Research Office. I approve of the viewpoints in these two articles. Since the Cultural Revolution, and especially since starting to do organization work last year, I often thought two questions over in my mind: one is that in our such large country, what is the quantitative concept in the meaning of the word “overthrow”? Comrade Mao Zedong regularly told us that the absolute majority of cadres is good or relatively good. Those that need to be overthrown can only be a tiny minority. At this moment, we have 17 million cadres released from production, which may become 19 million by the end of the year, which is about same as the population of Romania. Overthrowing one percent, is 190000, overthrowing two percent, is 380000, that is terrible. his generates a question, what does it mean that the absolute majority of cadres are good or relatively good? Is it 98 percent, or 99, or is it more than 99 percent? The second question, can we say that it is hard to avoid that all cadres will have shortcomings or even make mistakes, or that someone who has not made mistakes in the past also may make mistakes in the future? These are two questions that are different in nature but are mutually connected. One is the absolute majority of cadres being good or relatively good; one is that it is hard to avoid that all cadres will have shortcomings or errors here or there. Just because the absolute majority of cadres are good and relatively good, we certainly must draw experiences and lessons from the past, and must definitely not lightly overthrow a cadre; just because our cadres all have shortcomings or errors here or there, we must also regularly conduct criticism and self-criticism, and must wash ourselves every day, just like washing our faces, as Comrade Mao Zedong taught us.

I also recall two passages spoken by Comrade Mao Zedong. One passage is at the end of 1965, when Comrade Peng Dehuai was assigned to the Third Front to act as vice-commander, Chairman Mao invited old leader Peng to dinner, and said three things to old leader Peng: “You must look ahead. History will make the verdict on your question. Perhaps the truth is on your side.” This is what is said by Comrade Pu Anxiu at the meeting of the Central Discipline Inspection Committee. I believe that Comrade Mao Zedong at that time spoke thus. The Old Man also had to come back to think about a number of questions after a bit of time passed. The second passage, I heard myself, on 14 October 1968, at the 12th Plenum of the 8th Party Congress. At one o’clock in the afternoon on that day, the Chairman said a couple of sentences and asked us: “Comrades, what do you think of the Cultural Revolution?” Subsequently silence reigned, and there was no answer. The Chairman continued: “If I look fifty years or a hundred years further, perhaps this period is a brief interlude in history.” After I heard this sentence, I did not sleep for a night. I have often wanted to find Chairman Mao to talk to hem, and ask him about this sentence. I think that this sentence spoken by Chairman Mao has a profound significance. On that day, he also said: “this Central Committee meeting, only 56 members came, and many have not come, I hope that more will come next time.” But it was not more that came for the “9th Congress”, but even fewer, there were only 54, two less. Throughout his life, and especially from the Sixties, Comrade Mao Zedong’s thoughts and his approach to problems, contain many matters, we should not yet hastily make judgements, hurried judgements often easily come to grief. These two passages quite moved me when I head them, and had many thoughts. Launching criticism and self-criticism is not easy. Especially theoretical work criticism and self-criticism, are different from other criticism, from political line criticism, from Party spirit criticism, they do not have its characteristics, and it must be clearly researched. This theoretical work principles conference must clearly distinguish right from wrong. To distinguishing right from wrong, we must conduct criticism and self-criticism. Criticism and self-criticism in the ideological sphere must be done with more persuasiveness, prevent one-sidedness, permit more time to consider, make theoretical criticism and self-criticism to be done better, more healthily on the basis of summarizing experiences, do not make mistakes or only make small mistakes.

A few years ago, in our Party, there were a few theoretical sticks, also called theoretical despots, such as Chen Boda, Zhang Chunqiao, Yao Wenyuan, Guan Feng, Qi Benyu, and also Kang Sheng. They monopolized Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, and only permitted themselves to  arbitrarily distort and falsify it, while not permitting others to conduct creative research. They were allowed to use their privileges without any basis to attach labels such as “Anti-Party Article”, “Anti-Party Novel” “Black Painting” and “Black Drama” to works welcomed by the people. This sort of despotic style that destroyed culture and suppressed thought must be eliminated. Some comrades had a very narrow understanding of the phrase “revolution is criticism”. Criticism is picking and choosing, absorbing the good and removing the bad. Marx, Engels, Lenin, Staling, Mao Zedong and also Lu Xun not only criticized many people, but also praised many scientists, philosophers, thinkers and writers. While they did not know many writers, when they commented on works, they never grasped only a phrase or two from a writer, and exaggerate their mistakes to the maximum, but considered the main ideological tendency of the whole work, and distinguished whether it was a good thing, that had value, or a bad thing, a poisonous weed. We must carry forward this sort of Marxist style of study. Only in this way will we be able to truly realize letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools contend, and make Marxist theoretical work and overall science and culture undertakings flourish and grow.

III, The major changes and theory

The duties of propaganda work

This theoretical work principles meeting of ours, is organized at a time where the centre of gravity of the entire Party’s work is shifting, and shall stress the discussion of how to adapt theoretical and propaganda work to these great strategic changes.

I raise a preliminary consideration, whether or not the basic task of theoretical and propaganda work after shifting the centre of gravity of the entire Party’s work, cannot be concluded in a phrase like this: integrating the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought closely with the great practice of realizing the Four Modernizations, researching new problems, resolving new problems, to the best of our ability using our ideological and theoretical work to march towards the front of practical work, causing the incessant enrichment and development Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought in practice, and guiding us to seize a victory in the new Long March.

The universal truth of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought may not be deviated from at any time or in any battle line. We must persist in the basic principle of defending Marxism and Mao Zedong Thought, continue to guard against revisionist tendencies emerging in “leftist” or rightist forms. At present, we have not yet concluded the struggle against Lin Biao, the “Gang of Four” as well as revisionism emerging in extreme leftist forms, and must spend great efforts to continue to deeply criticize Lin Biao, the “Gang of Four” from ideology and theory, and eliminate their bad influence from all angles, this is an ideological condition for smoothly realizing the grand transformation.

Today, tasks in these two aspects are put in front of theoretical and propaganda work.

One aspect is to continue to clear away the ideological obstacles in our path ahead. We must discuss, which things are still there in ideology and theory that block our advance and shall be continuously smashed? Which prohibited areas are there still? Which spiritual shackles are there still? They include ideological and theoretical questions that Comrade Mao Zedong did not manage to clearly elaborate before his passing, and that were afterwards gravely distorted by the “Gang of Four”, for example questions about the Socialist class struggle, etc. That political report of the “9th Congress” drafted by Kang Sheng and Zhang Chunqiao, has many theoretical errors, many absurd theories of the “Gang of Four” come from there. These theories do not distinguish right from wrong, and may cause our thoughts to be fettered, and become stumbling blocks in our advance towards the Four Modernizations. Comrade Hu Qiaomu has a suggestion concerning these questions,  that are made into materials and issued to everybody. At the same time, it is hoped that the comrades raise a batch of problems that need to be continuously resolved at this meeting, and for some topics, it is hope that comrades that have done research fully express their viewpoints.

Another even more important aspect, is researching and resolving new problems that emerge one after another in the great transformation, closely integrate Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought with new practices, make theory work start from reality and be able to march at the head of the millions of people in the grand practice of implementing the four modernizations, and guide our real work to leap ahead, full of vitality. This is the basic task for theoretical and propaganda work after the centre of gravity of the entire Party’s work shifts. We must earnestly and clearly discuss these questions, make theoretical and propaganda workers transform ideologically, and face the reality of the four modernizations. For example, how to run the Socialist planned economy, how to conduct operations and management, how to accelerate agricultural development. Recently, the Centre wrote a 15000-charavter draft of the “Decision Concerning Some Questions in Accelerating Agricultural Development”, is it completely theoretically guided? Especially according to the real situation of our country, how to let agriculture rise as quickly as possible, must be resolved by integrating theory and practice. This requires us to use Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought as guidance, earnestly research new circumstances and new questions, earnestly achieve the close integration of theory with the practice of modernization construction. If the essence is not integrated, hanging Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought in empty space, making them into spirits, is just equal to hanging up a signboard but swindling and bluffing, and it can only be called false Marxism and anti-Marxism. If the integration is not close, it can only be called semi-Marxism, and at least cannot be counted as complete Marxism. We certainly must strive to achieve close integration. Naturally, achieving this is not easy, it is very difficult, and we must work hard. Many nations’ proletariat parties have not been able to achieve this point, as a result, until now, the revolution has not been successful. Our Party and Comrade Mao Zedong achieved this point, as a result, the Chinese revolution was successful. This is amazing. Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four” destroyed this sort of integration, made Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought into a signboard, and opposed Marxism. We must now  resume the theoretical work orientation of Comrade Mao Zedong, and must resolutely march in this direction of closely integrating Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought with the Four Modernizations. This theoretical work is the only correct orientation. Leaving this orientation is always a dishonest practice. We certainly must eliminate all sorts of obstacles, and advance in this direction.

How will it be possible to resolutely advance towards this only correct orientation in theoretical work? I think at least, we must meet the following three conditions.

First, we must certainly earnestly read Marxist-Leninist and Mao Zedong works. Without this, what do we take to integrate with practice? What do we take to guide modernization construction? Theory is the guideline of action. Engels said: “a nation must stand on the highest peak of science, and cannot lack theoretical thought for even a short while.” For realizing the Four Modernizations, we must stand on the high peak of science, not having theoretical guidance is absolutely no good. After the focal points of the entire Party’s work shift, not only can theoretical work not be loosened, but we must give even higher regard to theoretical work. We must make the great undertaking of our country’s Four Modernization have correct theoretical guidance, shape a set of complete lines, principles, policies and methods, and make our undertaking advance along the correct path. We must not again let whatever political swindlers lead us by the nose to march down the wrong path, this historical lesson may certainly not be forgotten. Theoretical and propaganda work cadres themselves shall take the lead in studying theory well, earnestly reading and studying, and getting a good grasp of Marxism. We propose that after half a year, the theoretical and propaganda cadres of the entire Party, staring from the propaganda department heads, must do an open-book exam once, which tests the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism, and they may not request secretaries to do it in their stead.

Second, we must certainly earnestly face reality. Whether our theoretical and propaganda work may use the wording of a certain image or not, must rely on Marx and Lenin, and face reality. Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong thought are theoretical bases for guiding our entire work. We must firmly rely on this basis, and not even deviate from them for a short time. But if theory does not face reality, and does not resolve real problems, then it is not relying, must it is laying down to sleep on Marxism-Leninism. Therefore, theory must certainly face reality. Dace which reality? It must face the reality of the Four Modernizations, face the reality of the ideology of cadres and popular masses inside and outside of the Party, and face the reality of experience and lessons from the past, the present and the future. The scope of reality is very broad. We cannot only face the reality of one moment or a single incident, but must work hard to face reality of the long term, without ceasing. Marxist theory’s sources are reality, and are not books, are not documents, and are not instructions from higher levels, these are streams, not sources. Where theory has departed from reality, it has becomes a tree without roots, a water without source, and the lifeline of theory is lost. Therefore, we must go into reality to attract the sources of Marxist theory,  make our own minds become richer, and eternally preserve the vitality of theoretical work.

Third, we must certainly liberate thoughts and take the lead in creating a fine style of study consistently advocated by Comrade Mao Zedong. The most basic matter is that we must  completely and correctly understand and grasp the scientific structure of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought and oppose bookism. We must be liberated from the state of ideological rigidity or semi-rigidity, be liberated from the power of small-scale production habits, and be liberated from under all sorts of bureaucratic “management, checks and pressure”, break through all “prohibited areas”, smash all spiritual shackles, and fully carry theoretic democracy forward. Persisting in implementing the mass line in theoretical work, thoroughly eliminate the bad influence of theoretical absolutism and theoretical despotism of Lin Biao and the “Gang of Four”, and make a hundred flowers blossom in the theoretical garden of Marxism. The heaven and earth of theoretical world are broad without parallel, theoretical workers must have courage, be far-sighted, and dare to raise new questions and resolve new questions starting from reality, and establish a scientific attitude of persisting in truth for the interest of the people, and oppose the bad study style of selling principles for the sake of individual interest.

I think that if our theoretical and propaganda teams earnestly achieve these three matters, they will certainly be able to let our theoretical work catch up with the popular masses’ rich practice in marching ahead with the Four Modernizations, and run to the front of practice to guide our country’s modernization construction undertaking in advancing with large steps.

Strengthening theoretical research and theoretical propaganda works, must produce achievements. We must write a batch of theoretical articles and theoretical works having weight, on the basis of the close integration of theory and practice. Since smashing the “Gang of Four” a batch of theoretical articles have come out the year before last, and a batch have come out last year, which brought order out of chaos, effected thorough overhaul and had a good function in ideology and theory. We must incessantly strive to again create a batch of theoretical articles with weight this year, and put a hand to creating a number of theoretical monographs, incessantly making Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought richer and more developed in practice, and promoting Socialist modernization construction.

In order to do theoretical work well, all newspapers and periodicals, and all levels’ propaganda departments are requested to pay attention to two issues. First, they may not hastily publish weighty and influential focus theoretical articles, but must carefully consider and clearly research them. For instance, on the question of Socialist democracy, I also do not yet have completely thought this question through. At this time, the general ideological trend is good, and is that we must realize the Four Modernizations. But last year, there were an ideological trend within the party, which is was “act according to everything”; this year, there also is a minuscule ideological trend in society, which is reflected in the question of seeking audiences. The majority of people seeking audiences have frustrations and grievances, 98 or 99 percent of the requirement of these people are reasonable. This is mainstream. If we haven’t done our work well, and made them suffer hardship, we must help them to resolve their problems. But is it not so that there is also this one person in a thousand, or those few in ten thousand, whose opinions and methods are not appropriate. Some raise large slogans and demonstrate, and put forward to “oppose hunger, oppose persecution, demand democracy and demand freedom”, link up with foreigners, and talk for four hours. We must not fear this sort of situation, and also must not casually arrest people. But we must research what these few people are thinking. In the 4th volume of the “Collected Works of Mao Zedong”, a sort of democratic individualism is put forward, the thoughts of these people, are they not democratic individualist? What our Party advocates is democracy of the people, is democratic collectivism or democratic centralism, and it opposes democratic individualism. There is individualism in all sorts and varieties, this sort of individualism has speaking about abstract “democracy” as its main characteristic. It is mainly reflected in four matters: first, it deviates from the basic principles of the Constitution, and deviates from democratic freedom under concrete historical conditions. It is not that a few articles in the Constitution may not be revised. But, a country such as ours which is led by a Communist Party, must practice Socialism, and take Marxism-Leninism as guiding ideology, etc., these basic principles cannot be violated. These people deviate from concrete historical conditions to demand democracy and demand freedom, this is just not correct. Second, they deviate from development production to improve life. Third, they deviate from the interests of the complete people to go and look after their individual interest. Four, they deviate from the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism to liberate their thoughts. Having these four matters, can that count as Marxism-Leninism? In my view, it cannot count as such. What is this ism called? Can we call it democratic individualism? It may be researched. Naturally, no matter what, there are three matters in which we certainly must persist. One is to not arrest people casually; second is to not criticize people by name casually; third is to not persecute wantonly. We have suffered in these aspects. Comrade Mao Zedong said, democratic individualism can be reformed for the better, and may turn for the worse. Zhu Ziqing and Wen Yiduo once both were democratic individualists, and did they change and progress afterwards! Some youths’ ideologies are dynamic, they dare to think about problems, but daring to think about problems does not equal Marxism, and we cannot equate daring to think about problems with Marxism. We must use Marxism-Leninism to guide them, we must look for them to talk and help them. Similar problems to these must be researched very well, but we must not lightly publish articles in newspapers and periodicals, and focus articles must not be hastily published. Second, we must march the mass line more, and search for people for investigation and to raise opinions more. Repeatedly pondering to add to the mass line again, may let us make fewer mistakes. Mistakes are unavoidable and will be made, but in this way, we may reduce mistakes in the future.

Today, I raised these few issues, which count as introduction to this Meeting, the meaning of this is to offer humble remark to spark abler talk, and I hope everyone will eagerly express opinions, and strive to conduct this theoretical work principles meeting organized during a great transformation well.

理论工作务虚会引言
胡耀邦

（一九七九年一月十八日）

一、这个会议的由来、目的和开会方法

党的理论工作务虚会今天开始了。先讲一讲召开这个会的由来和开会方法。

粉碎“四人帮”以后，我们的思想理论战线面临拨乱反正、正本清源的工作。这个工作是同组织上的清查同时进行的。两年多来，在党中央的直接领导下，经过惊心动魄的斗争，这个工作取得了伟大的成绩。打碎林彪、“四人帮”的精神枷锁，是马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想的科学思想体系同反马列主义、反毛译东思想、反科学的思想体系的大搏斗。在前年八月党的“十一大”政治报告中提出完整地、准确地领会和掌握毛泽东思想体系，就是为了彻底批判林彪、“四人帮”那个反科学的假马克思主义思想体系。但是由于种种不同的情况和原因，在我们党内，特别在思想理论战线，对党中央提出的这个重大理论原则问题认识上参差不齐。有些同志虽然赞成中央关于“完整、准确”的提法，但认识并不深刻，甚至存在着这样或那样的错误观点。

到了去年五月，思想理论战线的一个重要发展，就是开始了关于实践是检验真理的唯一标准的讨论。这场讨论的重要意义，是使全党和全国人民的思想重新统一到毛泽东同志的《实践论》的基础上来，重申毛泽东同志一贯强调的在辩证唯物论的认识论中实践第一的观点，重申只有千百万人民的社会实践，才是检验真理的尺度。这虽然是马克思主义的普通常识，但多年来被遗忘了，甚至被搞颠倒了。这个问题的重新提出，的确打中了林彪、“四人帮”那个反科学的思想体系的要害，推进了对林彪、“四人帮”的假马克思主义理论的总清算。同时，也深深触动了人们对马克思主义的根本态度问题。这就引起了我国思想理论战线上的一场风波。有些同志给《实践是检验真理的唯一标准》那篇文章以及参加讨论的其他文章和发言扣了很大的帽子，甚至说那是“丢刀子”，是“非毛化”，是“砍旗”。

去年六月二日，邓小平同志在全军政治工作会议上精辟地阐述了毛泽东同志的实事求是、一切从实际出发、理论与实践相结合这样一个马克思主义的根本观点、根本方法，批评了那股反对实事求是、反对实践是检验真理的唯一标准的思潮，使这场讨论提高到新的水平。许多省、市、自治区和军队的领导同志和理论工作者都积极地参加了这场讨论。广大干部和人民群众对此十分关心。这一场讨论，已经对我们的实际工作起了巨大的促进作用。去年九月，《红旗》杂志社写出了一篇题为《重温〈实践论〉——论实践标准是马克思主义认识论的基础》的长文，文章送到了中央常委。叶剑英同志建议中央召开一次理论工作务虚会，大家把不同意见摆出来，在充分民主讨论的基础上，统一认识，把这个问题解决一下。

最近举行的中央工作会议和三中全会，对这场理论讨论摆出了许多情况，提出了不少问题，对一些同志提出了不少批评意见，为召开理论工作务虚会创造了有利条件。

我们召开这样一次理论工作务虚会，要达到什么目的呢？第一，要总结理论宣传战线的基本经验教训。总结经验，可以总结两年，也可以总结十来年、三十年。建国三十年来，理论宣传战线有许多好的经验，也有许多教训，要把这些正反两方面的经验都总结起来，把思想理论上的重大原则问题讨论清楚，统一到马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想的基础上来。第二，要研究全党工作重心转移之后理论宣传工作的根本任务。这两个目的是互相联系的。总结过去的经验教训，也是为了向前看，把我们今后的工作做得更好，使理论工作更加蓬蓬勃勃地开展起来。

这次会议的开法，应当推广三中全会和中央工作会议的那种会风，大家解放思想，开动脑筋，畅所欲言，充分恢复和发扬党内民主和党的实事求是、群众路线、批评和自我批评的优良传统，达到弄清是非，增强整个理论宣传队伍的团结。会议大体上分两段开。第一段，由中宣部和中国社会科学院召开。邀请中央和北京理论宣传单位的一百多位同志参加，各省市也派来一位联络员。会议从今天开始，开到二十六日，然后过春节，休息五天。二月一日接着开，开到二月十二日左右。休息几天后，进入会议的第二段，拟用中央的名义召开，再开十天左右。邀请各省市的同志参加，扩大到四五百人。第一段以小组会为主，第二段以大会为主。最后请党中央主席、副主席作报告。为了把这次会议开好，我们建立了一个十一人的领导小组。同时还邀请了二十一位长期在我们党内做思想理论工作的老前辈、老同志，请他们作指导。在我们这个会的同时，还希望各省、市、自治区也能召开理论工作务虚会，以收到上下呼应、互相交流的效果。

二、对两年来思想理论战线形势的估计

两年来，我们党领导的揭批“四人帮”的斗争，不但在政治上、组织上取得了伟大的胜利，而且在思想理论战线上同样取得了伟大的胜利。思想界、理论界、新闻界、文艺界和科学界，对林彪、“四人帮”的大量反马克思主义谬论，如“天才论”、“一切从本本出发论”、“批判唯生产力论”、“按劳分配产生资产阶级论”、“全面专政论”、“党内有一个资产阶级论”、“社会主义时期只能反右不能反‘左’论”、“儒法斗争论”，“黑线专政论”、“三突出论”、“反对科学是生产力论”等等，进行了深入的批判，冲破了他们设置的各种禁区，运用马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想的锐利武器，分清了被他们搞乱了的思想是非、理论是非、路线是非和政策是非。全党和全国人民的思想获得了大解放。

这两年的想想理论工作，就它的规模来说，就它的战斗作用来说，就它对全党理论水平的提高来说，超过了建国以来任何一个时期，可以说是延安整风以后理论工作做得最出色、最有成绩的两年。马克思说：“理论在一个国家的实现程度，决定于理论满足这个国家的需要的程度。”这两年理论工作为什么取得这样伟大的进步，根本原因是斗争的需要，人民群众实践的需要。人民对于理论工作从来没有象今天这样关心。关于实践是检验真理的唯一标准、关于民主和法制、关于按劳分配这三个问题的讨论，吸引了广大人民群众特别是青年参加。理论工作象今天这样成为真正群众性的活动，是历史上少有的。“四人帮”搞什么群众理论队伍，那是假的，实际上是愚弄群众。我们放眼世界，象中国人民这样关心理论问题，这样有理论兴趣的民族，不是很多的。这是一种可贵的民族精神。恩格斯在一百多年前讲到德国工人阶级的理论兴趣时指出：“在这里，没有对地位、利益的任何顾虑，没有乞求上司庇护的念头。”同志们，在我们党和我国人民中迸发出来的理论兴趣，不正是这样的吗？

我们的理论宣传队伍，在这两年中也发生了可喜的变化。这支队伍在战斗中前进，进步是很大的。特别令人高兴的，是在揭批林彪、“四人帮”的伟大斗争中，涌现了一大批理论联系实际，密切联系群众，善于思考问题，敢于发表创见的闯将。应当看到，这两年的思想理论战线并不平静，有过那么几次风浪。这些同志在斗争中冲锋在前，不愧为思想理论战线的前卫战士。他们敢于实事求是，破除迷信，顶住种种非难和指责，不怕飞来的帽子和棍子。他们旗帜鲜明，立场坚定，抓住真理，所向披靡，敢想敢说敢干敢闯。这种无所畏惧的彻底唯物主义精神是非常可贵的。这一批优秀闯将的出现，增强了我们马克思主义理论队伍的力量，是一个了不起的收获。我们要认真地培养、提高他们，使他们在理论宣传战线发挥更大的作用。

在这次会议上，我们要总结这两年理论宣传工作的伟大进步和理论宣传队伍成长的经验。同时也要看到工作中的不足，看到我们理论宣传战线上还存在的严重缺点和问题。当前理论宣传战线的一个突出问题，是有相当数量的同志思想还处于僵化或半僵化的状态。少数同志甚至掉队了，离开了实事求是的思想路线，设禁区，下禁令，成为解放思想的阻力。我们应当研究一下产生这种现象的症结在哪里？我看一个重要的思想根源就是轻视实践，轻视群众。我们有些同志不愿意实行毛泽东同志教导的眼睛向下，去倾听实践和群众的呼声，而是昂首望天，只从本本、文件和上级指示出发，甚至只相信自己那个小圈圈，不同人民往来。这当然是很危险的。这样的理论工作就失去了源泉，必然走到斜路上去。

意识形态战线是容易犯错误的一条战线。如果脱离实际，脱离群众，更容易犯错误。我们应当允许在理论问题上犯错误。对待犯错误的同志要进行帮助，犯错误的同志也应总结经验教训，有所进步。我们要提倡对理论问题的不同观点的争论，提倡对理论文章的批评和反批评，真正发扬民主学风。

理论战线上怎么搞批评和自我批评，这是个很重要的问题。近几天《人民日报》发表了两篇特约评论员的文章，一篇叫《发扬批评与自我批评的好风气》，一篇叫《团结起来向前看》。两篇都是中央组织部研究室写的。这两篇文章的观点我是赞成的。我从文化大革命以来，特别是去年搞了组织工作以来，脑子里经常想着两个问题：一个是我们这么个大国，“打倒”这个词意味着一个什么样的数量概念？毛泽东同志经常告诉我们，干部的绝大多数是好的和比较好的。要打倒的只能是极少数。我们现在的脱产干部已经有一千七百万，今年年底可能要到一千九百万，同罗马尼亚的人口差不多。打倒百分之一，就是十九万，打倒百分之二，就是三十八万，不得了。这就产生一个问题，什么叫干部的绝大多数是好的和比较好的？是百分之九十八、九十九，还是九十九以上？第二个问题，可不可以说所有的干部都是难免有缺点甚至有错误的，或者过去没有犯过错误今后也可能犯错误？这是两个性质不同但又互有联系的问题。一个是干部的绝大多数是好的和比较好的；一个是所有干部都难免有这样那样的缺点或错误。正因为绝大多数干部是好的和比较好的，我们一定要吸取过去的经验教训，决不要轻易把一个干部打倒；正因为我们的干部都是有这样那样的缺点或错误的，所以又要经常进行批评和自我批评，要象毛泽东同志教育我们的，如同洗脸一样，要天天洗。

我还想起毛泽东同志讲过的两段话。一段话是一九六五年底，彭德怀同志分配到三线当副总指挥，毛主席请彭老总吃饭，对彭老总讲了三句话：“你要向前看。你的问题由历史做结论吧。也许真理是在你这一边。”这是中央纪律检查委员会开会时浦安修同志讲的。我相信毛泽东同志当时是这样讲过的。他老人家在经过一个时期后总要回过头来想一些问题。第二段话是一九六八年十月十四日八届十二中全会上我亲自听见的。这天下午一点钟，主席讲了几句话后问我们：“同志们，你们对文化大革命怎么看？”下面鸦雀无声，没有答复。主席接着说：“我看五十年、一百年之后，可能我们这一段是历史上的一个小插曲。”我听了这句话后，一夜没有睡着。我曾多次想找毛主席谈谈，想问一问这句话。我觉得毛主席讲这个话是意味深长的。那天他还说，这一次中央委员只到了五十六个，许多人没来，我希望下一次来的更多。可是“九大”来的不是更多，而是更少了，只有五十四个，少了两个。毛泽东同志的一生，特别是六十年代以后，他的思想，他对待问题，有许多事情，我们还不宜匆匆忙忙做判断，匆忙判断往往容易吃亏。这两段话我听了很感动，有很多想法。开展批评和自我批评不容易。特别是理论工作的批评和自我批评，同别的批评，同政治路线的批评，同党性的批评，有什么不同，有没有它的特点，要研究清楚。这次理论工作务虚会，要分清是非。分清是非就要进行批评和自我批评。意识形态领域的批评和自我批评，要搞得更有说服力，防止片面性，允许有更多的时间考虑，使理论上的批评和自我批评在总结经验的基础上做得更好，更健康，不犯或少犯错误。

前些年，我们党内有那么几个理论棍子，或者叫理论恶霸，象陈伯达、张春桥、姚文元、关锋．戚本禹，还有康生。他们把马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想垄断起来，只许自己任意歪曲篡改，不许别人进行创造性的研究。他们可以利用特权毫无根据地把人民欢迎的作品扣上“反党文章”、“反党小说”、“黑画”、“黑戏，’的帽子。这种摧残文化、钳制思想的恶霸作风必须肃清。有些同志把“革命就是批判”这句话，理解得很狭窄。批判是扬弃，吸取好的，排除坏的。马克思、恩格斯、列宁、斯大林、毛泽东，还有鲁迅，不但批判了许多人，还推崇了许多科学家、哲学家、思想家、文学家。他们对许多作者并不认识，但评论作品时，从不抓住作者的片言只语，无限上纲，而是看整个作品的主要思想倾向，区别它是好东西、有价值的，或者是坏东西、毒草。我们要发扬这种马克思主义的学凤。这样，我们才能够真正实现百花齐放和百家争鸣，使马克思主义的理论工作和整个科学文化事业兴旺发达起来。

三、伟大的转变和理论

宣传工作的任务

我们这次理论工作务虚会，是在全党工作重心转移的时候召开的，应当着重讨论一下理论宣传工作怎样适应这个伟大的战略转变。

我提出一个初步的考虑，全党工作重心转移之后理论宣传工作的根本任务，是不是可以归纳为这样几句话：把马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想的普遍真理同实现四个现代化的伟大实践密切结合起来，研究新问题，解决新问题，尽可能地使我们的思想理论工作走在实际工作的前头，使马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想在实践中不断丰富和发展，指导我们夺取新长征的胜利。

对于马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想的普遍真理，在任何时候，在任何一条战线上，都是不能背离的。我们要坚决捍卫马列主义、毛泽东思想的基本原理，继续警惕以“左”的或右的形式出现的修正主义倾向。当前，我们同林彪、“四人帮”的以极左形式出现的修正主义的斗争并没有结束，必须花很大的气力，从思想理论上继续深入批判林彪、“四人帮”，从各个方面肃清他们的流毒，这是顺利实现伟大转变的思想条件。

今天摆在理论宣传工作者面前的，有这样两个方面的任务。

一方面是继续扫清我们前进道路上的思想障碍。我们要议一议，在思想理论上还有哪些阻碍我们前进的东西应当继续破？还有哪些禁区？还有哪些精神枷锁？包括毛泽东同志在世时来不及阐述清楚，后来又被“四人帮”严重歪曲了的思想理论问题，譬如社会主义社会的阶级斗争等问题。康生，张春桥起草的那个“九大”政治报告，在理论上有许多错误，“四人帮”的很多谬论是从那里来的。这些理论是非不分清，会使我们的思想受到束缚，成为我们向四个现代化进军的绊脚石。关于这个问题胡乔木同志有个意见，将作为材料发给大家。同时希望同志们在这次会上议论出一批需要继续解决的问题，有些题目，希望作了研究的同志，充分发表自己的看法。

另一个更重要的方面，是研究和解决伟大转变中层出不穷的新问题，把马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想同新的实践密切结合起来，使理论工作从实际出发又能走到亿万人民实现四个现代化的伟大实践的前头，生气勃勃地指导我们的实际工作飞跃前进。这就是全党工作重心转移以后理论宣传工作的根本任务。我们要认真地讨论清楚这个问题，使理论宣传工作者从思想上来一个转变，面向四个现代化的实际。例如，社会主义计划经济如何搞，如何搞经营管理，如何加快农业的发展。最近，中央写了一个一万五千字的《关于加快农业发展若干问题的决定》草案，是否从理论上全讲诱了？特别是根据我国的实际情况，如何把农业尽快搞上去，需要从理论和实践的结合上加以解决。这就需要我们用马列主义、毛泽东思想作指导，认真研究新情况、新问题，真正做到理论同现代化建设的实践紧密结合。如果根本不结合，把马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想挂在空中，当作神，那就等于打着招牌招摇撞骗，只能叫做假马克思主义、反马克思主义。如果结合得不紧密，只能叫做半马克思主义，至少不能算完全的马克思主义。我们一定要努力做到紧密结合。当然，做到这一点是不容易的，是很困难的，要下很大的苦功。许多国家的无产阶级政党没有能够做到这一点，所以至今革命没有成功。我们的党和毛泽东同志做到了这一点，所以中国革命成功了。这是了不起的。林彪、“四人帮”破坏这种结合，把马列主义、毛泽东思想当作幌子，反对马克思主义。我们现在要恢复毛泽东同志的理论工作方向，要坚定不移地朝着马列主义、毛泽东思想同四个现代化紧密结合这个方向前进。这是理论工作唯一正确的方向。离开了这个方向，都是邪门歪道。我们一定要排除各种障碍，朝着这个方向前进。

怎样才能坚定不移地朝着理论工作的唯一正确方向前进呢？我想至少必须具备以下三个条件。

第一，一定要认真读马列和毛泽东著作。没有这一条，我们拿什么去同实践结合呢？我们拿什么指导现代化建设呢？理论是行动的指南。恩格斯说过：“一个民族要站在科学的最高峰，就一刻也不能没有理论思维。”我们实现四个现代化，就是要站在科学的高峰，没有理论指导是绝对不行的。全党工作着重点转移后，不但不能放松理论工作，而且必须更加重视理论工作。必须使我国四个现代化的伟大事业有正确的理论指导，形成一套完整的路线、方针、政策、办法，使我们的事业沿着正确的道路前进。不要再让什么样的政治骗子牵着鼻子走到斜路上去，这样的历史教训切切不可忘记。理论宣传工作干部自己应带头学好理论，认真看书学习，弄通马克思主义。我建议半年以后，全党的理论宣传干部，从宣传部长起，都来一次开卷考试，考马列主义基本原理，不得请秘书代劳。

第二，一定要认真面向实际。我们的理论宣传工作，可不可用个形象的说法，就是要背靠马列，面向实际。马列主义、毛泽东思想是指导我们一切工作的理论基础。这个基础我们要靠得牢牢的，一刻也不能背离。但是理论如果不面向实际，不去解决实际问题，那就不叫背靠，而是躺在马列上面睡觉了。所以理论一定要面向实际。面向什么实际？要面向四个现代化的实际，面向党内外干部和人民群众的思想实际，面向过去、现在和今后的经验教训的实际。实际的范围宽广得很。我们不能只是一时一事地面向实际，而是必须长期地、不断地下苦功去面向实际。马克思主义理论的源泉就是实际，不是本本，不是文件，不是上级指示，那些都是流，不是源。理论离开了实际，就成了无本之木，无源之水，就失去了理论的生命线。所以我们必须到实际中去吸取马克思主义理论的源泉，使自己的头脑丰富起来，永葆理论工作的生命力。

第三，一定要解放思想，带头搞好毛泽东同志一贯提倡的优良学风。最根本的，就是要完整地准确地领会和掌握马列主义、毛泽东思想的科学体系，反对本本主义。要从思想僵化或半僵化的状态中解放出来，从小生产的习惯势力中解放出来，从各种官僚主义的“管、卡、压”下面解放出来，冲破一切“禁区”，打碎一切精神枷锁，充分地发扬理论民主。坚定地实行理论工作的群众路线，彻底地肃清林彪、“四人帮，的理论专制主义、理论恶霸作风的流毒，使马克思主义的理论园地百花盛开。理论工作的天地无比广阔，理论工作者要有勇气，有远见，敢于从实际出发提出新问题，解决新问题，树立为人民利益坚持真理的科学态度，反对为个人私利出卖原则的恶劣学风。

我想我们的理论宣传队伍认真地做到了这三条，就一定能够使我们的理论工作赶上人民群众向四个现代化进军的丰富实践，并且跑到实践的前面去指导我国的现代化建设事业大踏步地前进。

加强理论研究、理论宣传工作，要出成果。要在理论和实际紧密结合的基础上，写出一批有份量的理论文章和理论著作。粉碎“四人帮”以来，前年出了一批理论文章，去年也出了一批，对于从思想理论上拨乱反正，正本清源，起了很好的作用。我们要不断努力，今年再搞出一批有份量的理论文章，并着手搞一些理论专著，使马列主义、毛泽东思想在实践中不断丰富和发展，推动社会主义现代化建设。

为了把理论工作搞好，请所有报刊、各级宣传部注意两个问题。第一，对于有份量、有影响的重点理论文章，不要匆忙发表，要深思熟虑，研究清楚。例如社会主义民主问题，我对这个问题也还没有完全想清楚。现在总的思想倾向是好的，是要搞四个现代化的。但去年党内有那么一股思潮，就是“一切照办”；今年社会上也有股小小的思潮，表现在上访的问题上。上访的人多数是有委曲、有冤屈的，百分之九十八、九十九的人要求是合理的。这是主流。我们工作没有做好，使他们吃了苦头，要帮助他们解决问题。但是否也有那么千分之一、万分之几的人，他们的想法和做法都是不妥当的。有的举大标语游行，提出“反饥饿，反迫害，要民主，要自由”，和外国人挂钩，一谈四个小时。对这种情况，怕是不要怕，也不要随便抓人。但要研究这个别人是什么思想？《毛泽东选集》第四卷中提到一种民主个人主义者，这些人的思想，是不是民主个人主义倾向？我们党提倡的是人民民主，是民主集体主义，或民主集中主义，反对民主个人主义。有各种各样的个人主义，这种个人主义是以讲抽象的“民主”为其主要特征。主要表现有四条：一，离开宪法的基本原则、离开具体的历史条件讲民主自由。宪法的个别条文，不是不可以修改。但是，诸如我们的国家是共产党领导、要搞社会主义、以马列主义为指导思想等等，这些基本原则不能违背。这些人离开具体的历史条件要民主，要自由，这就不对了。二、离开发展生产搞改善生活。三、离开人民的整体利益去搞个人利益。四、离开马列主义的普遍原理搞思想解放。有这四条，能算马列主义吗？我看不能算。这叫什么主义？可不可以叫民主个人主义倾向呢？可以研究。当然，不管怎么样，有三条一定要坚持。一是不要随便抓人；二是不要随便点名批判；三是不要乱打棍子。在这方面我们是吃过亏的。毛泽东同志说过，民主个人主义者可以变好，也可以变坏。朱自清、闻一多曾经都是民主个人主义者，后来不是变进步了吗！有些青年思想活跃，敢想问题，但敢想问题不等于就是马克思主义者，不能把敢想问题和马克思主义者划等号。要用马列主义引导他们，要找他们谈谈，帮助他们。类似这些问题要很好研究，但不要轻易在报刊上发表文章，重点文章不要匆忙发表。第二，要多走群众路线，多找人审查，提意见。反复思考再加群众路线，可以使我们少犯错误。错误是免不了要犯的，但这样做了以后可以少犯错误。

今天我提出这么几个问题，算做这次会议的引子，意思是抛砖引玉，希望大家踊跃发表意见，努力把这一次在伟大转变中召集的理论工作务虚会开好。